Donaldpan ေဒါနပန္း

karens and karen state

2009-01-14T07:11:00.000-08:00

Karens and karen state

It would not be difficult to understand the real nature of the Karen and Burman. They are in fact different and distinct genuses and it is a dream that Karen and Burman can ever evolve a common nationality, and this misconception of one homogeneous Burmese Nation has gone far beyond the limits and is the cause of most of the troubles and will lead Burma to destruction if we fail to revise our notions in time. Originally, Karen and Burman belong to two different racial origins (Mongolian, and Tibeto-Burma), religions, philosophies (Animism and Buddhism), social customs and literature. They belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspect on life and of life are different. It is quite clear that the Karen and Burman derive their inspiration from difference sources of history. They have different epics, (e.g. pastoral Phumawtaw-Htawmepah and Burmanised Rama King), different heroes and different episodes. To yoke together two such nations under a single State, one in numerical minority and other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be built up for the Government of such a State. It would be no wisdom to proceed to build for Burma a constitution on the assumption that these differences did not exist. Karens, a nation not a minority Karens came to Burma as first settlers and spread throughout the length and breadth of the “Golden Chersonese” – the Indonesian peninsulas between the Bay of Bengal and the South China Sea, and right down to Borneo today the millions of Karen in both Burma and Siam represent the largest compact body of Karen population in any single part of the world. It has always been taken for granted mistakenly that the Karens are a minority and of course we have got used to it for such a long time that these settled notions sometimes are very difficult to remove, Karens are a nation according to any definition of a nation. We (the Karens) are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language, literature, names and nomenclature, sense of value and proportion, customary laws and moral codes, aptitudes and ambitions; in short we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all Canons of International Law we are a nation.Burma problem The Problem in Burma is not [of] an inter-communal character but manifestly of an international one, and it must be treated as such. So long as this basic and fundamental truth is not realized, any constitution that may be built will result in disaster and will prove destructive and harmful not only to the Karens but to the British and the Burmans also. If the British Government are really in earnest and sincere to secure peace and happiness of the peoples in Burma, the only course to us all is to allow the major nations separate “homelands” by dividing Burma into “Autonomous National States”. There is no reason why theses States should be antagonistic to each other. On the other hand the rivalry and the national desire and efforts on the part of one to dominate the social order and establish political supremacy over the other if the Government of the country will disappear. It will lead more towards national goodwill by international pacts between them, and they can live in complete harmony with their neighbors. This will lead further to a friendly settlement all the more easily with regard to minorities by reciprocal arrangements and adjustments between Karen-Burma and Burmese-Burma, which will far more adequately and effectively safeguard the rights and interests of the Karens and other minorities.Democracy in Burma Western Parliamentary Democracy System is unsuitable for Burma. Such Democracy as exists in Western Countries is understandable and possible only there, as there exists [there] a single homogeneous nation and a single cultural and social organized society, but in Burma conditions are entirely different. Here there are two nations and talk of democracy and a single unit is impossible. The meaning of democracy in this country can only be, and an electoral system can only result in, the permanent domination of a Burmese majority over a Karen Society in minority, antagonistic to each other and different in everything that is essential to life, the Barmans and the Karens differ fundamentally.One central government It would be impossible to have a Unitary Central Government in Burma. Such an arrangement would mean that for every eight representatives in Government, there would be one Karen, or in other words the Burman’s will will be forced on the Karens.Right of self-determination The Karens claim a right of self-determination because they are a national group on a given territory which is their homeland and in the zones where they are in a majority. In constitutional language they cannot be characterized as a sub-national group who cannot expect anything more than what is due from a civilized government to a minority.Our goal Great Britain wants to rule Burma, the Burmans want to rule Burma and the Karens say that they will not let either the British or the Burmans rule the Karens. We want to be free. We have to define and define beyond doubt, what our goal is. There are many people who either do not understand or misunderstand or do not want to understand, there are ignorant people and it is really amazing how our decisions or resolutions are misinterpreted or misrepresented, in order that there should be no room left for misunderstanding and that no doubt should be left in that mind of any intelligent and sensible people, our position with regards to our goal must be clarified. What is the goal of the All Burma Karen National Union [the main Karen political organization]? What is the ideology and what is its policy? The goal of the All Burma Karen National Union is this – we want the establishment of a completely independent State in the South Eastern Zone of Burma with full control finally of Defence, Foreign Affairs, Communications, Customs, currency and Exchange, etc, we do not want in any at the centre. We will never agree to that. If we once agree to that, the Karens will be absolutely wiped out of existence. We will never be tributaries of any power or any Government at the centre so far as the South Eastern Zone of our free national homeland is concerned.Karen state government Our Government will be the people’s Government. You may get it either by force or by agreement. But until you get it, the question of constitution making and the form and the system of Government do not arise. Let us first agree that there shall be two Burmas. Then the constitution making body will be elected by some system from the people, and it is the people who will choose their representatives to go to the constitution making body. The constitution and the Government shall be democratic.Minorities in the Karen State Safeguard for minorities must be provided for wherever there are minorities. No Government will ever succeed without creating a sense of security and confidence in the minorities. Mons and the Karen State Naturally the Karens always have for the Mons a soft corner in their heart. We have absolutely no designs on our Mon friends. The Mons will get from their traditional Sister - the Karen – inspiration and help for preservation of their race, culture, literature etc. Their zone would be an autonomous unit of the Karen State.Karenni principalities The Karenni combined principalities may or may not choose either to federate or confederate with the Karen State. Their first consideration should be whether our status is compatible with theirs.No vivisection Burma is composed of nationalities and surely today she is divided and partitioned by Nature… Burma is being held by the British power and that is the hand that holds and gives the impression of United Burma and United Government. [A] Burmese nation and Central Government do not exist in as much as the various nationalities in Burma are not homogeneous.There are no genuine arguments advanced against the Karen State scheme. The Karen National Union wants the two odd millions Karens in Burma to secure and settle in zones which they could justifiably claim as their homelands and develop their own culture and live in a manner suited to their genius. There is nothing unusual in the demand for partition. When two brothers born of the same parents find it difficult to get on with each other the only effective solution lies in partition.Economical aspect It is argued that a Karen State is not a practical proposition on grounds of economy having regard to the revenue yield of some districts in the eastern borderland. You cannot expect to get handsome revenue unless your taxed area, though rich in resources, is properly developed. Let us not build on sands but let us face facts and figures. Kindly take stock of the revenues of the South Eastern Zone of Burma where revenues are drawn from multifarious sources, e.g lands, rice, timber, salt, rubber, minerals, sea and land customs, fisheries, income-tax, excise, etc. further increase of revenues is depended on the extent of development of the resources and on the security and stability in that country. There is not much to bother about [the] economy so long as we are sensible to cut our coat according to our cloth.Acceptance of the principle The principle of partitioning Burma must be agreed upon at first, then would come the question as to what ways and means should be adopted to give effect to that decision. The question of details will then arise and with good-will. Understanding and statesmanship, we (all the indigenous races) shall, let us hope, settle among ourselves. Where there is a will, there is a way…

A karen History

2009-01-14T07:00:00.000-08:00

A Karen History
Preface
We, the Karen of Burma, have been cornered into fighting against ruling Burmese Governments for the past forty-three years. [in 1992]
Holding the reins of all organs of the state, and in full control of the press, radio, and television, the successive ruling Burmese Governments from U Nu's AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League) to the present Military Junta headed by General Than Shwe and his State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), have always painted us as black as they can. They have branded us insurgents, warmongers, a handful of border smugglers, black-marketeers and stooges of both the communists and the imperialists.
Even so, to the extent of our ability we have always tried to refute the nefarious one-sided Burmese propaganda of false accusations, and make the true facts of our cause known to the world.
In fighting against the ruling Burmese Government, we are not being motivated by narrow nationalism, or by ill will towards the Burmese Government or the Burmese people. Our struggle was instigated neither by the capitalist world nor by the communists, as some have falsely accused us. It has an originality completely of its own. Throughout history, the Burmese have been practicing annihilation, absorption and assimilation (3 A's) against the Karen and they are still doing so today. In short, they are waging a genocidal war against us. Thus we have been forced to fight for our very existence and survival.
In this document we venture to present a concise outline of the Karens' struggle for freedom, the Karen case, which we consider just, righteous and noble. We hope that through it, the world may come to know the true situation of the Karen, a forgotten people who continue to fight for our freedom intensively, single handedly and without aid of any kind from anyone.
Karen National Union (KNU)
Kawthoolei.
The Karen, a NationTheir Nature and History
The Karen are much more than a national minority. We are a nation with a population of 7 million, having all the essential qualities of a nation. We have our own history, our own language, our own culture, our own land of settlement and our own economic system of life. By nature the Karen are simple, quiet, unassuming and peace loving people, who uphold the high moral qualities of honesty, purity, brotherly love, co-operative living and loyalty, and are devout in their religious beliefs.
Historically, the Karen descend from the same ancestors as the Mongolian people. The earliest Karens (or Yangs, as called by the Thais) settled in Htee-mset Met Ywa (land of Flowing Sands: a land bordering the source of the Yang-Tse-Kiang river in the Gobi Desert. From there, we migrated southwards and gradually entered the land now known as Burma about 739 BC.
We were, according to most historians, the first settlers in this new land. The Karen named this land kaw-lah, meaning the Green Land. We began to peacefully clear and till our land free from all hindrances. Our labours were fruitful and we were very happy with our lot. So we changed the name of the land to Kawthoolei, a land free of all evils, famine, misery and strife: Kawthoolei, a pleasant, plentiful and peaceful country. Here we lived characteristically uneventful and peaceful lives, before the advent of the Burman.
Pre-World War II ErasBurmese Feudalism, British Imperialism and Japanese Fascism
We, the Karen could not enjoy our peaceful lives for long. The Mon were the next to enter this area, followed at their heels by the Burmese, both the Mon and the Burmese brought with them feudalism, which they practiced to the full. The Burmese won the feudal war, and they subdued and subjugated all other nationalities in the land. The Karen suffered untold miseries at the hands of their Burmese lords. Persecution, torture, killings, suppression, oppression and exploitation were the order of the day. To mention a few historical facts as evidence, we may refer to the Burmese subjugation of the Mon and the Arakanese, and especially their past atrocities against the Thais at Ayudhaya. These events stand as firm evidence of the cruelties of Burmese feudalism. So severe are these atrocities that those victimized continue to harbour a deep-seated resentment of the Burman even today.
At that time, many Karen had to flee for their lives to the high mountains and thick jungles, where communications and means of livelihood were extremely difficult and diseases common. We were thus cut of from all progress, civilisation and the rest of the world, and were gradually reduced to backward hill tribes. The rest of the Karen were made slaves. We were forced to do hard labour and were cruelly treated.
When the British occupied Burma, the conditions of the Karens gradually improved. With the introduction of law and order by the Colonial Central Authority, the Karen began to earn their living without being hindered, and we could go to school and be educated. This infuriated the Burmese, to see the despised Karen being treated equally by the British. Progress of the Karen people in almost all fields was fast, and by the beginning of the 20th Century, they were ahead of other peoples in many respects, especially in education, athletics and music. It could be said that the Karen had a breathing spell during the period of the British regime.
In 1942, the Japanese invaded Burma with the help of the Burma Independence Army (BIA), who led them into the country. These BIA troops took full advantage of the situation by insinuating that the Karen were spies and puppets of the British, and therefore were enemies of the Japanese and the Burman. With the help of the Japanese, they began to attack the Karen villages, using a scheme to wipe out the entire Karen populace which closely resembled the genocidal scheme Hitler was enacting against the Jews in Germany.The Karen of many parts of the country were arrested, tortured and killed. Our properties were looted,our womenfolk raped and killed, and our hearths and homes burned. Conditions were so unbearable that we retaliated fiercely enough to attract the attention of the Japanese Government, which mediated and somewhat controlled the situation.
Post World War II ErasDemand for Karen State, Tensions and Armed Conflicts
The bitter experiences of the Karen throughout our history in Burma, especially during the Second World War, taught us one lesson. They taught us that as a nation, unless we control a state of our own, we will never experience a life of peace, free from persecution and oppression. We will never be allowed to work hard to grow and prosper.
Soon after the Second World War, all the nations under colonial rule were filled with national aspirations for independence. The Karen sent a Goodwill Mission to England in August 1946, to make the Karen case known to the British Government and the British people, and to ask for a true Karen State. But the reply of the British Labour Government was "to throw in our lot with the Burma". We deeply regretted this, for as it predictably has turned out today, it was a gesture grossly detrimental to our right of self-determination, only condemning us to further oppression. It is extremely difficult for the Karen and the Burman, two peoples with diametrically opposite views, outlooks, attitudes and mentalities, to yoke together.
However, differences in nature and mentality are not the main reason for our refusal to throw in our lot with the Burman. There are other more important reasons for sticking to our demand for our own State within a genuine Federal Union.
We are concerned that the tactics of annihilation, absorption and assimilation, which have been practised in the past upon all other nationalities by the Burmese rulers, will be continued by the Burman of the future as long as they are in power.
We are concerned about the postwar independence Aung San - Atlee and Nu - Atlee Agreements, as there was no Karen representative in either delegation and no Karen opinion was sought. The most that the Burman would allow us to have was a pseudo Karen State, which falls totally under Burmese authority. In that type of Karen State, we must always live in fear of their cruel abuse of their authority over us.
On January 4, 1948, Burma got its independence from the British. The Karens continued to ask for self-determination democratically and peacefully from the Burmese Government. The Karen State requested by the Karens was comprised of the Irrawaddy Division, the Tenasserim Division, the Hanthawady District , Insein District and the Nyaunglebin Sub-Division, the areas where the bulk of the Karen populace could be found. But instead of compromising with the Karen by peaceful negotiations concerning the Karen case, the Burmese Government and the Burmese Press said many negative things about us, especially by frequently repeating their accusations that the Karen are puppets of the British and enemies of the Burman. The Burmese Government agitated the Burmese people toward communal clashes between the Karen and the Burman. Another accusation against the Karen demand was that it was not the entire Karen people who desired a Karen state, but a handful of British lackeys who wanted the ruin of the Union of Burma.
To counter the accusations and show the world that it was the whole Karen people's desire for a Karen state, a peaceful demonstration by Karens all over the country was staged on February 11, 1948, in which over 400,000 Karens took part. The banners carried in the procession contained four slogans, namely:
Give the Karen State at once
Show the Burman one kyat and the Karen one kyat
We do not want communal strife
We do not want civil war.
The slogans of the Karens in this mass demonstration voiced the same desire as the three slogans of the British Colonies after the Second World War: Liberty, Equality, and Peace. We followed the established democratic procedures in our request for a Karen state.
A few months after Burma got its independence, successive desertions and revolts in the AFPFL put U Nu, the then Premier, in grave trouble. The revolts of the Red Flag Communist Party in 1947, the Communist party of Burma in March 1948, the People's Volunteer Organisation in June 1948. and the mutinies of the 1st Burma Rifles stationed at Thayetmyo and the 3rd Rifles stationed at Mingladon, Rangoon (August 15,1948), prompted U NU to approach the Karen leaders to help the Government by taking up the security of Rangoon to save it from peril. The Karen did not take advantage of the situation, but readily complied with U Nu's request and helped him out of his predicament. The KNDO (Karen National Defence Organisation) officially recognised by the Burmese Government, was posted at all the strategic positions and all the roads and routes leading to Rangoon. For months the KNDO faithfully took charge of the security of Rangoon.
The KNDO was given several tasks in forming an outer ring of defence, particularly at Hlegu and Twante. Most important of all was the reoccupation of Twante town, Rangoon's key riverine gateway to the Delta towns and upper Burma. This little town had fallen several times to the communists. Each time it was retaken by regular troops, only to fall back into the hands of the rebels as soon as conditions returned to normal and control was handed back to the civil authorities and the police. This time, a KNDO unit under the leadership of Bo Toe and Bo Aung Min was ordered to retake Twante, which was once more in the hands of the Red Flag Communists. They succeeded with their own resources and without any support from the regular army other than river transport. After wresting the town from the Red Flag Comnunists' hands. they garrisoned it in accordance with their given orders.
The two mutinied Burma Rifles marched down south, unopposed along the way, until they reached Kyungale bridge, near the town of Let-pa-dan, where they were stopped by a company of Karen UMP (Union Miltary Police). Their truck carrying arms and ammunition received a direct hit from mortar fire of the Karen UMP and was destroyed, so they retreated after suffering heavy casualties.
But even while all this was happening, the ungrateful Burmese Government was hastily organising a strong force of levies to make an all-out effort to smash the Karen. By December 1948, they had arrested the Karen leaders in many parts of the country. Karen personnel in the armed services were disarmed and put into jail. General Smith Dun, General Officer Commanding (GOC) of the Burma Army, was forced to resign. Many Karen villages were attacked and many Karen villagers were shot and killed, women raped, properties looted and hearths and homes burnt and destroyed. On the 30th of January 1949, the Burmese Government declared the KNDO unlawful. Early the next morning on the 31st of January, the Burmese troops attacked the KNDO Headquarters at a town about 10 miles north of where most of the top Karen leaders lived. There was no alternative left for the Karen but to fight back. An order was issued to all the Karen throughout the country to take up whatever arms they could find and fight for their lives, their honour, and their long cherished Karen state Kawthoolei.
When we took up arms, we attained great successes and occupied many towns and cities. We soon suffered military reverses, however, as we had not prepared for Revolution and therefore had no stockpile of arms and ammunition. We had to withdraw from many fronts, thus allowing the Burmsse troops to reoccupy these areas. Compounding this, the Burmese Government called for unity with all the other uprising Burmese rebel groups. These Burmese rebel groups saw the Karen as the greatest obstacle to their seizing exclusive power, joined hands with the Burmese Government, and fought against the Karen. As a result, the Karen found themselves fighting against all the armed elements in the country.
Another reason for our setbacks was that all along we had to stand on our own feet and fight alone without aid of any kind from any other country. In contrast, the Burmese Government received large amounts of foreign aid, including military aid from both capitalist and socialist countries, and even from some so-called non-aligned nations. Many times then and since the situation of the Burmese Government has been precarious, but it has managed to continue mainly through aid from abroad. Many times it has been in dire financial straits, but it has not been ashamed to go begging. And as hard as it is for us to believe, its begging bowls have always come back filled.
Present Day SituationThe Karen under Successive Burmese RégimesThe Revolutionary Areas - The Present Situation
Under the rule of the Burman, the Karens have been oppressed politically, economically, and educationally. The Karen schools and institutions were taken by force and many were destroyed. We are no longer allowed to study our own language in Burmese schools. Many of the Karen newspapers and literary books were banned. Economically, our fields and plots of land were nationalised and confiscated, we have to toil hard all year round and have to take all our products to the Burmese Government for sale at its controlled prices, leaving little for ourselves. Culturally, they have attempted to absorb and dissolve our language, literature, traditions, and customs. We have been denied all political rights, and militarily, our people have all along been systematically exterminated as part of the annihilation, absorption, and assimilation programme of the Burman. Our educational quality and living standards have dropped considerably, falling far behind the Burman in all respects. Their efforts and actions against us are as strong, or stronger, today as ever before in the past.
Since the 1960's, they have been attacking with the "Four Cuts Operation". This includes cutting our provisions, cutting the contact between the masses and the revolutionaries, cutting all revolutionary financial income and resources, and cutting off the heads of all revolutionaries. To make the four cuts operation successiul, the Burmese troops are using strong suppressive measures. They destroy the fields of crops planted by the villagers and eat their grains and livestock. They take away whatever they like and the things they cannot carry away they destroy. Captured villagers, woman and adolescents as well as men, are made to carry heavy loads as porters for the Burmese soldiers. Many of the villagers have been forced to work as porters for several months; they are deliberately starved, and regularly beaten, raped, or murdered. When the Burmese soldiers enter a village, they shoot the villagers who try to escape. Some of the villagers have been accused of helping the revolutionaries and then have been killed. In certain areas, the villagers have been forced to leave their villages and have been moved to camps some distance away. They are not permitted to leave the camps without permission from the Burmese guards. Some villagers, who have been found in their villages after being ordered to move to the camps, have been shot and killed by the Burmese soldiers with no questions asked.
Situations such as these and sometimes worse are happening constantly throughout Kawthoolei and are causing a large number of Karens and Shans in Kawthoolei to leave their villages and take refuge along the Thai border; a difficult situation for us as we do not have enough money to provide for these refugees. In spite of these situations we are determined to progress. Even though there is no end of the war in sight, and we are unable to obtain assistance from other countries, we are moving forward as best we can.
During this long and gruelling forty-three years of war, we have seen many changes take place in our Revolution. The strong willed determination of our fighting forces and our masses to fight to win the war has increased. We have been able to endure hardship, both physically and mentally. We have grown in strength, and not just in numbers. Our occupied areas have now joined our Revolution in great numbers. Many Karen who are universty graduates have also joined us, thus enriching the quality of our revolution. Villagers throughout Kawthoolei are active in support roles, while the morale, discipline, and military skills of our fighting forces have increased. We have been able to inflict greater setbacks on the enemy in all our military engagements.
Burma is a multi-national country, inhabited also by the Kachin, Arakanese, Karenni, Lahu, Mon, Pa-O, Palaung, Shan and Wa, etc. After independence, these ethnic races were also denied the basic rights of freedom, self-determination, and democracy. Hence, almost all the other nationalities in Burma have also taken up arms to fight against the Burmese Governnent for their own self-determination, and are now united in the National Democratic Front (NDF). There are now altogether nine members in the National Democratic Front, namely:
1. Arakan Liberation party (ALP)
2. Chin National front (CNF)
3. Kachin Independence Organisation (KIO)
4. Karen National Union (KNU)
5. Karenni National progressive Party (KNPP)
6. Kayan New Land Party (KNLP
7. Lahu National Organisation (LNO)
8 New Mon State Party (NMSP)
9. Wa National Organisation (WNO)
The consolidated National Democratic Front (NDF) has resolved to form a genuine Federal Union, comprised of all the states of the nationalities in Burma, including a Burman state, on the basis of liberty, equality and social progress.The NDF is determined to fight on until victory is achieved, and requests the people of all classes and all works of life to join hands and fight against the Ne Win-Than Shwe military dictatorship.
By 1988, the oppression of Ne Win's military regime had become so severe that even the Burmese masses rose up against it.The regime's response was to gun down thousands of peaceful demonstrators, mainly young students and monks. Even so Ne Win could not subdue them and he was forced to resign, seemingly handing over power to his chosen successors in the State Law and Order Restoration council (SLORC), but continuing to pull the strings of power from behind the scenes. The SLORC promised a multi-party election and held it in 1990, only to persecute and imprison the winners rather then hand over state power to them. Thousands of Burmese students, monks and other dissidents fled to the areas governed by NDF member organisations. There they were accepted and sheltered by the ethnic peoples, particularly in the Karen areas, where no less then 6,000 students arrived along with other dissidents, all wanting to organise and struggle against the SLORC.In late 1988, the KNU took the initiative of proposing that the NDF form a broader political front along with the newly formed Burmese group to meet the developing political situation.
The Karen National Union (KNU)Aims, Policy and Programme
The second Karen National Union (KNU) congress was held at Maw Ko, Nyaunglebin district in June and July 1956, and was attended by KNU representatives from Delta Division, Pegu Yoma Division and Eastern Division. In this congress the political aims of the KNU were laid down as follows and they still apply today:
The establishment of a Karen State with the right to self-determination.
The establishment of National States for all the nationalities, with the right to self-determination.
The establishment of a genuine Federal Union with all the states having equal rights and the right to self-determination.
The Karen National Union will pursue the policy of National Democracy.
In spite of the internal and external situations, we continue to maintain our state, Kawthoolei, administered by our own Kawthoolei Government since 1950,under the banner of the Karen National Union (KNU), and the well trained and disciplined Karen National Liberation Army, which were formed in that same year. We desire Kawthoolei to be a Karen State with the right to self-determination. We are therefore endeavouring to form a genuine Federal Union comprised of all the states of the nationalities in Burma, including a Burman state, on the basis of Liberty, Equality, Self-Determination and Social progress.
We desire the extent of Kawthoolei to be the areas where the Karens are in majority. It shall be governed in accordance with the wishes of the people of the State and just in the eyes of the country and the world. The policy of the Karen National Union is National Democracy. It fully recognises and encourages private ownership and welcomes foreign investment. All the people in Kawthoolei shall be given democratic rights, politically, economically, socially and culturally. Freedom and equality of all religions is guaranteed. Kawthoolei will maintain cordial relationships with all other states and other countries on the basis of mutual respect, peace and prosperity. Kawthoolei will never permit the growing or refining of opium or the sales and transport of illicit drugs through its territory.
Our Beliefs and Determination
To us, the "independence" Burma gained in 1948 is but a domination over all other nationalities in Burma by the Burman. The taking up of arms by almost all the nationalities against the ruling Burmese Government is sufficient proof that though Burma got its independence, only the Burman have really enjoyed independence and they have subjugated the other nationalities. The State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) headed by General Than Shwe will never and can never solve the conflicts and crises in the country.
The Karen Revolution is more than just a struggle for survival against national oppression, subjugation, exploitation and domination of the Karen people by the Burmese rulers. It has the aim of a genuine Federal Union comprised of all the states of the nationalities on the basis of equality and self-determination. In our march towards our objectives we shall uphold the four principles laid down by our beloved leader, the late Saw Ba U Gyi, which are:
•For us surrender is out of the question.
•The recognition of the Karen State must be completed.
•We shall retain our arms.
•We shall decide our own political destiny.
We strongly believe in the Charter of the United Nations, its Declarations on Human Rights, the principle of Self-Determination and the Democratic Rights of Peoples - all causes for which we are fighting.
The fighting may be long, hard, and cruel, but we are prepared for all eventualities. To die fighting is better than to live as a slave. But we firmly believe that we shall survive and be victorious, for our cause is just and righteous, and surely any tyranny so despised as the Burmese regime must one day fall.

okrso school

2009-01-14T06:36:00.000-08:00

13/3/2007 MAE SOT OKRSO School
ထုိင္း-ျမန္မာနယ္စပ္ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕မွ (၁၅) ကီလိုမီတာခန္႔အကြာရွိ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသားမ်ားေနထိုင္ရာ ေက်းရြာတရြာကို တရားမ၀င္က်ဴးေက်ာ္ေနရာဟုဆိုကာ တာ့ခ္ခ႐ိုင္၀န္အမိန္႔ျဖင့္ ယမန္ေန႔၌ ၿဖိဳဖ်က္ရွင္းလင္းသည္။
လူဦးေရ (၂၀၀) ခန္႔ေနထိုင္သည့္ ေက်ာက္စက္ေက်းရြာရွိ အိမ္ေျခ (၅၀) ခန္႔ကို ေဒသဆိုင္ရာ ကြပ္ကဲေရးတပ္ စစ္သည္မ်ားႏွင့္ မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ပိုင္႐ံုးမွ တာ၀န္ရွိသူမ်ားကဦးေဆာင္ကာ ေျမထိုး စက္မ်ားျဖင့္ ၿဖိဳဖ်က္သည္။
ထိုရြာမွ လူႀကီး (၆၀) ခန္႔ႏွင့္ ကေလးငယ္ (၁၄၀) ခန္႔တို႔ကို ယခုလ (၁၁) ရက္ နံနက္ေစာေစာ၌ ေဒသခံထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ဖမ္းဆီးသြားၿပီး လူူ၀င္မႈႀကီးၾကပ္ေရး႐ံုးမွတဆင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ ျမ၀တီဖက္ကမ္းသို႔ ပို႔ေဆာင္လိုက္သည္။
ယခုအခါ ၎တို႔ကို ျမ၀တီဖက္ကမ္းရွိ DKBA ဖားသံုးေကာင္ဘုန္းႀကီးေက်ာင္းဆရာေတာ္က လက္ခံေကၽြးေမြးထားသည္။
ယမန္ေန႔ ထိုင္းအာဏာပိုင္မ်ားက ရြာဖ်က္ခ်ိန္တြင္ ေဒသခံမ်ားက ကားႀကီးကားငယ္မ်ားျဖင့္ ေရာက္ရွိလာၿပီး ၿဖိဳခ်ခံရသည့္အိမ္မ်ားမွ အိမ္တိုင္၊ အခင္း၊ အမိုးအကာႏွင့္ အိမ္မိုးဖက္မ်ားကို လာေရာက္သယ္ေဆာင္သြားၾကသည္ဟု ထိုရြာရွိ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီးေက်ာင္းမွ ဆရာေတာ္ကေျပာသည္။
ရြာဖ်က္ရာတြင္ပါ၀င္သည့္ ထိုင္းစစ္တပ္မွ ဗိိုလ္ႀကီး ႏိုင္ပီခ်ာခ်ဳံခ်ဳပ္က “ရြာသားေတြနဲ႔ ကေလးေတြကို သနားပါတယ္။ အထက္တာ့ခ္ခ႐ိုင္၀န္ရဲ႕ အမိန္႔ျဖစ္တာေၾကာင့္ က်ေနာ္တို႔လည္း တာ၀န္အရလုပ္ရ တာျဖစ္တယ္” ဟု ေျပာၾကားသည္။
ေက်ာက္စက္ေက်းရြာ၌ ရြာသားမ်ားေနထိုင္လာၾကသည္မွာ (၂၅) ႏွစ္ခန္႔ရွိၿပီျဖစ္ၿပီး ယခုဖမ္းဆီးမႈႏွင့္ ရြာဖ်က္ခံရျခင္းကို ပထမဆံုးအႀကိမ္ ႀကံဳေတြ႕ရျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ထိုရြာသား ေက်ာက္မိုင္းလုပ္သား တဦးက ေျပာသည္။
ရြာသားမ်ားမွာ ရြာရွိေက်ာက္မိုင္းတြင္ အလုပ္လုပ္ၾကၿပီး အခ်ဳိ႕က ေတာင္ယာစိုက္ခင္းမ်ားတြင္ က်ပန္းအလုပ္မ်ား လုပ္ကိုင္ၾကကာ ကေလးငယ္မ်ားမွာ ရြာတြင္ဖြင့္လွစ္ထားသည့္ ေက်ာက္ေတာင္ မူလတန္းေက်ာင္း၌ ပညာသင္ၾကားၾကသည္။
ယေန႔ ေန႔လယ္၌ ထုိမူလတန္းေက်ာင္းအား ေျမထိုးစက္ျဖင့္ၿဖိဳဖ်က္ရန္ ထိုင္းစစ္သည္မ်ား ေရာက္ရွိလာေသာ္လည္း မဲေဆာက္ၿမိဳ႕ ပညာေရးဌာနမ်ားက ၀ိုင္း၀န္းေမတၱာရပ္ခံထားေၾကာင္း၊ ေက်ာင္းၿဖိဳဖ်က္မည့္ရက္ အတိအက်မသိရေသးေၾကာင္း ေက်ာင္းတာ၀န္ခံ ဆရာေစာစိန္ဟန္က ေျပာသည္။
သူငယ္တန္းမွ (၆) တန္းအထိ ေက်ာင္းသူေက်ာင္းသား (၁၉၅) ဦးကို သင္ၾကားေပးေနသည့္ ယင္းအ ခမဲ့မူလတန္းေက်ာင္းကို ျပည္ပေရာက္ကရင္ဒုကၡသည္မ်ားဆိုင္ရာလူမႈေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေရးအဖြဲ႕(OKRSO) က ၂၀၀၀ ျပည့္ႏွစ္တြင္ စတင္တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။

ျမန္မာအမ်ိဳးသမီး၇ ဦးေသဆံုး

2008-12-22T01:40:00.000-08:00

ျမန္မာ အမ်ိဳးသမီး ၇ ဦး ထိုင္းတြင္ ေသဆံုး

ထိုင္းရဲက တားဆီးသည္ကို လက္မခံဘဲ ေမာင္းေျပး ေသာေၾကာင့္ ယဥ္တိုက္မႈ ျဖစ္ကာ ယာဥ္ေပၚ ပါလာေသာ ျမန္မာ အမ်ိဳးသမီး ၇ ဦးႏွင့္ ထိုင္းအမ်ိဳသား ၁ ဦးတို႔ ယမန္ေန႔က ေသဆံုးခဲ့ ရသည္။ယဥ္ေပၚ ပါလာသူ အမ်ိဳးသမီးမ်ားမွာ ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ကို တရားမဝင္ ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ခဲ့ၿပီး အလုပ္ရွာေဖြရန္ ေရာက္ရွိ လာသူမ်ားျဖစ္၍ မြန္ႏွင့္ ထားဝယ္ တိုင္းရင္းသူမ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကေၾကာင္း ၾကားသိရသည္။ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္အနီး ကန္ခ်နဘူရီ နယ္အတြင္းရွိ အႀကီးဆံုးေသာ စစ္ေဆးေရးဂိတ္ကို ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္စဥ္ ထိုင္းရဲမ်ားက ကားကိုစစ္ေဆးရန္ ရပ္တံ့ေစရာ မရပ္ဘဲ ေမာင္းေျပးသျဖင့္ ဓာတ္တိုင္ႏွင့္ ဝင္တိုက္မိၿပီး ေသဆံုးရသည္ဟု ေအအက္ဖ္ပီ သတင္းတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပထားသည္။“အဲဒီ လမ္းေၾကာင္းက တရားမဝင္ ခိုးဝင္တဲ့ သူေတြသြားတဲ့ လမ္းေၾကာင္းပဲ။ အဲဒီဂိတ္ႀကီး မတိုင္ခင္ ဂိတ္တခု ရွိေသးတယ္။ ပထမဂိတ္မွာ အဲဒီကား လြတ္သြားပံုရတယ္” ဟု ထိုေဒသႏွင့္ ကၽြမ္းဝင္နီးစပ္သူ တဦးက ေျပာျပသည္။ထိုင္းအလုပ္သမား ဝန္ႀကီးဌာန၏ ထုတ္ျပန္ခ်က္အရ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမား ၅၄၀၀၀၀ မွတ္ပံုတင္ထားၿပီး အမ်ားစုမွာ ျမန္မာမ်ား ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံတြင္း တရားမဝင္ အလုပ္လုပ္ေနသူ ဦးေရမွာ သန္းႏွင့္ခ်ီ၍ ရွိေၾကာင္း သိရွိရသည္။ဧၿပီလ အတြင္းကလည္း ထိုင္း-ျမန္မာ နယ္စပ္ကို ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ ဝင္ေရာက္လာသည့္ အလံုပိတ္ အေအးခန္း ကားတစီးထဲတြင္ သယ္ေဆာင္လာေသာ တရားမဝင္ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမား ကေလး၊ လူႀကီး ၅၄ ဦး အသက္႐ွဴ မြန္းၾကပ္ကာ ေသဆံုးမႈ ျဖစ္ပြားခဲ့ေသးသည္။ျမန္မာျပည္တြင္ အလုပ္အကိုင္ ရွားပါးျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အိမ္နီးခ်င္း ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားသို႔ နယ္စပ္မွ တရားမဝင္ ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ကာ အလုပ္လုပ္ရန္ လာေရာက္သူမ်ား ေန႔စဥ္ရွိေနၿပီး တခ်ိဳ႕မွာ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ႏိုင္ငံရဲမ်ား၏ အဖမ္းအဆီး ခံရျခင္း၊ ဒုကၡမ်ိဳးစံု ႀကံဳေတြ႕ရျခင္းအျပင္ အသက္ ဆံုး႐ႈံးရသည္မ်ား မၾကာခဏ ၾကားသိရသည္။ထိုင္းႏုိင္ငံတြင္ လာေရာက္ အလုပ္အကိုင္ ရွာေဖြေသာ တရားမဝင္ ျမန္မာေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္သမားမ်ားမွာ လုပ္ခနည္းျခင္း၊ အလုပ္ခ်ိန္မ်ားျပားျခင္း တစ္ခါတရံ အႏိုင္က်င့္ ခံရျခင္းမ်ား ရွိသည့္ျပင္ လက္ရွိ ကမၻာ့ စီးပြားေရး အၾကပ္အတည္းၾကာင့္ အလုပ္သမား ေလွ်ာ့ခ်ျခင္းမ်ားႏွင့္ ရင္ဆိုင္ေနၾကရသည္။ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂ ရက္ေန႔ထုတ္ ျမန္မာ့အလင္း သတင္းစာတြင္ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သိန္းစိန္က ျမန္မာ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္း၌ ျပည္ပသို႔ တရားဝင္ ေစလႊတ္ထားသည့္ အလုပ္သမားမွာ ၄၆၀၅၇ ဦးသာရွိၿပီး တရားမဝင္ သြားေရာက္ အလုပ္ လုပ္ကိုင္သူမ်ားမွာ ၂ သန္းခန္႔ ရွိသျဖင့္ သက္ဆိုင္ရာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားက ၎ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို ျပန္လည္ ေစလႊတ္ခဲ့လွ်င္ ၎တို႔အတြက္ ေနထိုင္စရာႏွင့္ အလုပ္အကိုင္မ်ား အသင့္ရွိေနသည္ဟု ေျပာထားသည္။ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး သိန္းစိန္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္း၌ အလုပ္အကိုင္ အခြင့္အလမ္း မ်ားစြာရွိသည္ဟု ဆိုထား ေသာ္လည္း ျပည္တြင္းမွ အဆက္မျပတ္ ခိုးထြက္ေနေသာ အလုပ္သမားမ်ားမွာ မ်ားစြာရွိေနဆဲပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံေတာ္

2008-12-22T01:35:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံေတာ္
၁၉၃၆ခုႏွစ္ ေဒါက္တာဘေမာ္၏ ညြန္ ့ေပါင္းအစိုးရလက္ထက္တြင္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအမ်ိဳးသား အဖြဲ ့ခ်ဳပ္ ႀကီး ၏ ဆံုးျဖတ္ခ်က္အရ လႊတ္ေတာ္အတြင္းရွိ ကရင္အမတ္မ်ားသည္
(၁) ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့(ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေန ့)
(၂) ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားသီိခ်င္း
(၃) ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံေတာ္ စသည္တို ့ကို ေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့ႀကသည္၊၊
ဤေတာင္းဆိုခ်က္မ်ားရရွိေသာအခါ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအဖြဲ ့ခ်ဳက္ႀကီးသည္ ကရင္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳး သားမ်ားထံ “ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံ” ပံုစံမ်ားေရးစြဲ၍ တင္ပို ့ႀကရန္ေမတၲာရပ္ခံခဲ့သည္။ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား အဖြဲ ့ ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး ၏ ေမတၲာရပ္ခံခ်က္အရ အနယ္နယ္အရရရွိ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားထံမွ အလံပံုစံေပါင္း တစ္ရာေက်ာ္ေရာက္ရွိလာခဲ့ သည္။ ။
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအဖြဲ ့ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးသည္ ေရွာက္ရွိလာေသာ ကရင္အလံပံုစ့တစ္ရာအနက္မွ အလံပံုစံ ၁၂ ခုကို ပဏာမ အ ဆင့္ ေရြးခ်ယ္လိုက္သည္။ထိုမွတဆင့္ (၁၂)ခုအနက္မွစိတ္ႀကိဳက္(၃)ခုကို ထပ္မံေရြး ခ်ယ္ခဲ ့သည္။ ေနာက္ဆံုး(၃)ခုမွ အသင့္ေတာ္ဆံုးအႀကိဳက္ဆံုးတစ္ခုကို အတည္ျပဳေရြးခ်ယ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဤသို ့ေနာက္ဆံုးအတည္ျပဳေရြး ခ်ယ္လိုက္ေသာ အလံ မွာမန္းဘခင္(၀န္ႀကီးေဟာင္း) ေရးဆြဲေသာအလံ ပံုစံပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ယခုတရား၀င္အတည္ျပဳသံုးစြဲ ေနေသာ အလံေတာ္သည္ ဤအလံပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
အနီေရာင္၊ အျဖဴေရာင္၊ အျပာေရာင္ သံုးေရာင္ျခယ္ေပၚတြင္ တက္သစ္စေန၀န္းႏွင့္ဖားစည္ပါရွိေသာ အလံသည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ ဤသို ့အနီ၊ အျဖဴ၊ အျပာ သံုးေရာင္ျခယ္ႏွင့္ တက္သစ္စေန၀န္း ဖားစည္ပါရွိေသာ အလံႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အဓိပၸယ္္အႏွစ္သာရကို အလံပံုစံရွင္ မန္းဘခင္ သည္ ေအာက္ပါအတိုင္း အဓိပၸယ္ႏွင့္အႏွစ္သာရ ကို ေဖာ္ေဆာ္ထားေပသည္။
(၁) အလံေတာ္၏ အနီေရာင္သည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ ရဲရင့္ျခင္းႏွင့္ သူရသတၲိျပည့္စံုျခင္းကို ေဖာ္ေဆာ္သည္။
(၂) အလံေတာ္၏ အျဖဴေရာင္သည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ဘ၀ႏွင့္ စိတ္ထားမ်ားျဖဴစင္သန္ ့ရွင္းစင္ႀကယ္ျခင္းကို ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ထားသည္။
(၃) အလံေတာ္၏အျပာႏုေရာင္သည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ ေျဖာင္မတ္တည္ႀကည္ျခင္းႏွင္သစၥာရွိျခင္းကို ေဖာ္ ေဆာင္ထားသည္။
(၄) အလံေတာ္၏ တက္သစ္စေန၀န္းသည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ လူမွဳေရးဘ၀တိုးတက္သာယာေရးကို ေဖာ္ ေဆာ္ထားသည္။
(၅) အလံေတာ္၏ ဖားစည္သည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမွဳႏွင့္သာယာ၀ေျပာျခင္းကို ေဖာ္ေဆာ္ထားသည္။
ကရင္္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားသည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံေတာ္ကို လူထုအစည္းအေ၀းပြဲမ်ားႏွင့္ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားႏွစ္သစ္ ကူးေန ့အခမ္းအနားမ်ားတြင္ ျပည္ေထာင္စုအလံေတာ္ႏွင့္ယဥ္တြဲ၍ စိုက္ထူႀကသည္။ ။

ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္း ဥပေဒၾကမ္း ၁၉၃၇
ဥပေဒၾကမ္းအမွတ္ - ၂၆ - ၁၉၃၇
နိဒါန္း၊ ၊ ၊ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳျခင္း ဥပေဒၾကမ္းကုိ ထုတ္ျပန္လုိအပ္လွ်က္ရွိသည္။ ဤ
သုိ ့ ေသာ အေၾကာင္းေၾကာင့္ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္း ျပဌာန္းလုိက္ပါသည္။
၁။ အမည္ ။ အက်ယ္အ၀န္းႏွင့္ စတင္ အာဏာတည္ေသာေန ့။
(၁) ဤဥပေဒကုိ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ အသိအမွတ္ျပျခင္း ဥပေဒ ၁၉၃၇ ဟု ေခၚတြင္ေစရမည္။
(၂) ဤဥပေဒသည္ ဘုရင္ခံက ေၾကျငာခ်က္ထုတ္ျပန္ေသာေန ့မွအစျပဳ၍ အထူးသျဖင့္ ယခုေၾကျငာေသာအခ်ိန္မွစ၍ ခ်က္ခ်င္းအာဏာတည္ေစရမည္။
(၃) ဤဥပေဒသည္ ၿဗိတိသွ် ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတ၀ွမ္းလုံးကုိ အာဏာသက္ေရာက္ေစရမည္။
၂။ ရွင္းလက္ခ်က္
(၁) ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားဆုိသည္မွာ ၎တုိ ့၏အမ်ဳိးဇတ္၊ ဘာသာအယူ၀ါဒ၊ ယုံၾကည္ကုိးကြယ္မႈတုိ ့ႏွင့္ မသက္ဆုိင္ဘဲ၊ အားလုံးေသာ ကရင္မ်ဳိးႏြယ္မ်ား ၊ မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုမ်ား၊ မိသားစု၀င္အႏြယ္တူလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားအားလုံးကုိ ဆုိလုိသည္။
(၂) ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့သည္ အျခားေသာတုိင္းရင္းသား၊ ျပည္သူမ်ား၊ အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား၏ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ အထိမ္အမွတ္မ်ား၏ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့အတုိင္းပင္ အတိအက် အဓိပၸါယ္ရေပသည္။ ေကာင္းျမတ္ေသာႏွစ္၏ ပထမေန ့ ျဖစ္၏။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့သည္ ျမန္မာျပကၡဒိန္၊ ျပာသုိလဆန္း (၁)ရက္ေန ့ႏွင့္ ဆီေလ်ာ္သည့္ အတုိင္း ကရင္ျပကၡဒိန္အရ (သေလး)လဆန္း(၁)ရက္ (သုိ ့မဟုတ္)(၂)ရက္တြင္ က်ေရာက္ေပသည္။ ႏွစ္သစ္အလုိ ့ ငွာ ဤ (သေလး)လ (ျပာသိုလဆန္း)(၁)ရက္ေန ့ က်ေရာက္ေသာအခါ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားသည္ အိမ္သစ္မ်ားကုိ တည္ေဆာက္ၾကသည္။ ပစၥည္းမ်ားကုိ အသစ္ျပဳျပင္ၾက၏။ ထုိ ့အျပင္ ေတာင္ကုန္းထူထပ္ေသာေနရာသစ္တုိ ့၌ ေတာင္ယာသစ္မ်ားကုိလည္း သတ္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ ဤေန ့မ်ားကုိ အားစလုံးေသာကရင္မ်ားက ေနရာတုိင္းမွာ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳၾကသည္။ ရုပ္တု ကုိယ္ကြယ္သူကရင္မ်ားက နတ္မ်ားကုိ ကုိးကြယ္ပသျခင္း စသည္ျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ဗုဒၶဘာသာကရင္မ်ားက ဘုရားရွိခုိးၾကျခင္း၊ ေက်ာင္းဇရပ္သြားျခင္း၊ သံဃာေတာ္မ်ားထံမွ တရားနာျခင္း စသည္ျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း။ ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာကရင္မ်ားက ဆုေတာင္းဘုရားရွိခုိးျခင္း စသည္တုိ ့အျပင္ သက္ဆုိင္ရာ ယုံၾကည္ကုိးကြယ္မႈအလုိက္ ကရင္မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုအားလုံးသည္ ၾကီးစြာေသ ာ စည္းေ၀းျခင္းမ်ားျပဳလွ်က္ စုရုံးၾကေသာ ဘာသာေရးပြဲေတာ္မ်ားကုိ ျပဳလုပ္ၾကေပသည္။ သုိ ့ျဖစ္၍ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား၏ သမုိင္းတြင္ ဤေန ့မ်ားသည္ အၾကီးက်ယ္ဆုံးေသာ ေပ်ာ္ပြဲရႊင္ပြဲေန ့မ်ား ျဖစ္ၾကေပသည္။
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေန ့ျဖစ္ေပၚလာပံု
၁၉၄၈ခုႏွစ္ေဖေဖာ္၀ါရီလ (၃) ရက္ေန ့တြင္ KNU ကရင္္အမ်ိဳးသားအစည္းအရံုးက ဖဆပလ အစိုးရထံ ပရင္ျပည္ေပး ရန္ စာေရးေတာင္းဆိုခဲ့သည္။ စာကို တလအတြင္း (၁၉၄၈) ခုႏွစ္၊ မတ္လ (၃) ရက္ေန ့ေနာက္ဆုံးထားျပီး ဖစပလ အစ္ိုရမွ KNU ထံ အေၾကာင္းျပန္ရန္၊ ျပန္စာမရရွိပါက (သုိ ့မဟုတတ္) ကရင္ျပည္ျပန္ေပးဖုိ ့ရန္ ျငင္းဆိုပါက ကရင္ အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား ေျခတလွမ္း တက္လွမ္းမည္ဟု ပါရွိပါသည္။ ကရင္ျပည္ေတာင္းဆိုစာ ပိုမိုေလးနက္ေစရန္ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီ လ (၁၁)ရက္ေန ့၌ ျမန္မာတျပည္လုံးရိွ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားအားလုံး ကရင္ျပည္လိုလားေၾကာင္း ျမိဳ ့ေပၚတက္ ကရင္ လူဆႏၵျပပြဲ က်င္းပရန္ ဆုံးျဖတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ယင္ဆုံးျဖတ္ခ်က္အတိုင္း (၁၉၄၈) ခုႏွစ္၊ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလ (၁၁) ရက္ေန ့ တြင္ ျမန္မာျပည္တျပည္လုံးရွိ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ားျမိဳ ့ေပၚတက္၍ ကရင္ျပည္လိုလားေၾကာင္း ကရင္လူထူဆႏၵျပပြဲ က်င္းပေလသည္။
ေအာက္ျမန္မာျပည္ ကရင္အမ်ားစု ရွိရာေဒသမ်ားတြင္သာမက ေျမာက္ဖက္ျမစ္ၾကီးနားမွ ေတာင္ဖက္ျမိတ္ျမိဳ ့အထိ၊ ရွမ္းျပည္နယ္တြင္ နမ့္ခမ္း၊ ကြတ္ခိုင္၊ လားရႈိး၊ ေတာင္ၾကီး၊ က်ိဳင္းတုံ၊ ျမန္မာျပည္အလယ္ပိုင္းတြင္ မိတၳီလာ၊ ေခ်ာက္၊ ေရနံေခ်ာင္း စသည္ျဖင့္ တျပည္လုံးတြင္ ဆႏၵျပၾကသည္။ ရန္သူဖဆကလမွလည္း ျခိမ္းေျခာက္ေႏွာက္ယွက္ တား ျမစ္ျခင္းကို အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ သို ့ေသာ္ ေႏွာက္ယွက္တားျမစ္ျခင္း အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးၾကားမွ ကရင္တမ်ိဳးသားလုံး (၂) ရက္၊ (၃) ရက္ခရီးမ်ားခ်ီတက္၍ ဆႏၵျပရာ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသား၊ အမ်ိဳးသမီးေပါင္း (၄)သိန္းေက်ာ္ အသံတိတ္ ဆႏၵျပ၍ ထိုေန ့ရက္အထိ ျမန္မာျပည္သမိုင္းတြင္ အၾကီးမားဆုံး ဆႏၵျပပြဲျဖစ္ခဲ့သည္။
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်းသည္ ေၾကြးေၾကာ္သံ (၄) ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ခ်ီတက္ဆႏၵျပခဲ့ၾကသည္။
(၁) ကရင္ျပည္ခ်က္ျခင္းျပန္ေပး၊ (၂) ကရင္တက်ပ္၊ ဗမာတက်ပ္
(၃) လူမ်ိဳးေရးအဓိကရုဏ္း အလိုမရွိ၊ (၄) ျပည္တြင္းစစ္အလိုုမရွိ
စသည့္ေၾကြးေၾကာ္သံမ်ားပါေသာ ပိုစတာမ်ား ကိုင္စြဲျပီး ျမိဳ ့မ်ားအတြင္းလွည့္လည္၍ ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာအသံတိတ္ ဆႏၵျပၾက ရာ ျမန္မာျပည္သမိုင္းတြင္ စည္ကမ္းအရွိဆုံး ဆႏၵျုပပြဲအျဖစ္ သမိုင္းတြင္ရစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ဤႏုိင္ငံေရး ေၾကြးေၾကြာ္သံမ်ား သည္ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားအေနႏွင့္အျခားလူမ်ားနည္းတူ အမ်ိဳးသားတနး္တူေရးႏွင့္ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ျပဌာန္းခြင့္ကိုလုိလားေၾကာင္း ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ကိုမလိုလားေၾကာင္း၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးျပသနာကို ႏိုင္ငံေရးနည္းႏွင့္သာ တရားမ်ွတစြာ ေျဖရွင္းလိုေၾကာင္း ပြင့္ပြင့္ လင္းလင္း ေဖာ္ျပျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။ ကရင္ကံၾကမၼာကရင္ဖန္တီးခြင့္ရရွိေရးႏွင့္ ပတ္သက္သည့္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး လႈပ္ ရွားမႈ သမိုင္းၾကီးသည္ ႏုိင္ငံေရးသမိုင္းတစု၊ သာမန္လူတစု၏ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမဟုတ္ဘဲ တမ်ိဳးသားလုံးလကၡဏာေဆာင္ သည္ ပရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေရး လႈပ္ရွားမႈၾကီး ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္းကို ကရင္လူထူဆႏၵျပပြဲၾကီးက ေဖၚထုပ္ျပသလိုက္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ တဆက္တည္းမွာပင္ ပရင္အမ်ိဳးသားလႈပ္ရွားမႈႏွင့္ ကရင္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသည္ ျပည္ပေသြးထုိးမႈေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ေပၚလာျခင္း မဟုတ္ေၾကာင္း ျပသလိုက္ျခင္းပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားထု ဆႏၵျပပြဲ၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအဓိပၸါယ္ ကရင္တမ်ိဳးသားလုံး၏ ႏုိင္ငံေရးအသိ မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ျပည္ခ်စ္ စိတ္ဓါတ္ကို ေမြးထုပ္ျပသည့္ေန၊ ပရင္တမ်ိဳးသားလုံး၏ စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္မႈကို ေဖာ္ထုပ္ျပသည့္ေန ့၊ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားမ်ား၏ ဇာတိ ေသြး၊ ဇာတိမာန္ကို ရဲရဲေတာက္ ေဖာ္ထုပ္ျပသည့္ေန ့၊ ႏုိင္ငံေရး လက္ဦးမႈကို ကရင္မ်ားရယူသည့္ေန ့၊ ကရင္ကိုကမၻာ က ပိုမိုသိေစသည့္ေန ့ပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ အဆုိပါအေၾကာင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ (၁၉၅၃)ခုႏွစ္၊ ႏို၀င္ဘာလ (၂၃) ရက္မွ (၂၅) ရက္ ေန ့အထိ ဖာပြန္ျမိဳ ့တြင္က်င့္ပေသာ ေကာ္သူေလးျပည္လုံးဆိုင္ရာ
ကြန္ကရက္မွ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလ (၁၁) ရက္ေန ့ကို ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေန ့ဟု သတ္မွတ္က်င့္ပရန္ ျမစ္၀က်ြန္းေပၚအမွတ္ (၁) ခရိုင္ဥကၠဌ ဦးေက်ာ္ေအးက အဆိုျပဳျပီး ျမစ္၀ကၽြန္းေပၚ အမွတ္ (၁) တပ္မမႈး ဗုိလ္ခ်ဳပ္ေပၚထူးက ေထာက္ခံ၍ ကြန္က ရက္ ကိုယ္စားလွယ္မ်ားက ကန္ ့ကြက္သူလုံး၀မရွိဘဲ တညီတညြတ္တည္း အတည္ျပဳလိုက္ရာ ကရင္လူထူဆႏၵျပပြဲ ျဖစ္သည့္ ေဖေဖၚ၀ါရီလ (၁၁) ရက္ေန ့သည္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေန ့ ျဖစ္လာေလသည္။

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့
လူမ်ဳိးအသီးသီးတုိ ့သည္ မိမိတုိ ့၏ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ သဘာ၀၊ ေတာေတာင္၊ ေရေျမ၊ ရာသီဥတု၊ သစ္ပင္ပန္းမန္၊ေန၊ လ၊ နကၡတုိ ့ကုိ ေလ့လာမွတ္သား၍၊ အခ်ိန္ကာလ အပုိင္အးျခားတုိ ့ ခြဲျခားသိျမင္ၾကသည္။
ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတုိ ့သည္ ေရွးပေ၀သဏီကစ၍ အခ်ိန္အကန္ ့အသတ္ကုိ ၾကည့္ၿပီး၊ တစ္ရက္၊ တစ္လ၊ တစ္ႏွစ္ ဟု သတ္မွတ္ကာ အမည္နာမေပးၾကပါသည္။ မိမိတုိ ့၏ ပထမလကုိ စေကာကရင္ဘာသာျဖင့္ “သေလ” ပုိးကရင္ဘာသာျဖင့္ “ထုိက္ေခါက္ဖုိး”ဟု ေခၚၾကပါသည္။
ထုိသို ့ တစ္ႏွစ္ဆန္းလွ်င္ မိမိတုိ ့ ဓေလ့ထုံးစံအရ၊ ေပ်ာ္ပြဲရႊင္ပြဲမ်ား က်င္းပျခင္း၊ ယစ္နတ္ပူေဇာ္ျခင္း၊ လူၾကီးသူမမ်ားအား ကန္ေတာ့ျခင္းမ်ားကုိ ျပဳလုပ္ၾကပါသည္။
-“ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ေရာက္လာၿပီ
-ေရခ်ဳိးေခါင္းေလွ်ာ္ စိတ္သန္ ့စင္
- လူၾကီးသူမ ကန္ေတာ့ၾက
-ဆုံးမ ပဲ့ျပင္နာခံမွတ္”။
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားသည္ “သေလ”လ ၊ (ထုိက္ေခါက္ဖုိး)ကုိ ပထမလအျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္၍ လဆန္းတစ္ရက္ေန ့ကုိ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့အျဖစ္ သတ္မွတ္ခဲ့ပါသည္။ “သေလ”လ ၊ (ထုိက္ေခါက္ဖုိး)လသည္ ျမန္မာအားျဖင့္ “ျပာသုိလ”ျဖစ္၍ ျပာသုိလဆန္းတစ္ရက္ေန ့သည္ “ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
သုိ ့ေသာ္လည္း ေရွးအခါက ဤေန ့ဤရက္ကုိ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့အျဖစ္ ေျမျပန္ ့ေဒသကရင္အခ်ဳိ ့ႏွင့္ ေတာင္ေပၚကရင္အခ်ဳိ ့တုိ ့သည္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာကတည္းက က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။
သုိ ့ရာတြင္ ကရင္ခရစ္ယာန္ဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားသည္ အျပည္ျပည္ဆုိင္ရာႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ျဖစ္ေသာ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ တစ္ရက္ေန ့ကုိ က်င္းပသည့္နည္းတူ၊ ကရင္ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားသည္လည္း တန္ခူးလ (သၾကၤန္)အၿပီး ႏွစ္ဆန္းတစ္ရက္ေန ့ကုိ က်င္းပၾကပါသည္။
ထုိ ့အျပင္ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိး ဖုိးပုိက္ဆံဘာသာ၀င္မ်ားသည္ တပုိ ့တြဲလဆန္း (၄)ရက္ ေန ့ကုိ၎၊ ရေသ့ဘာသာ၀င္ ကရင္မ်ားကလည္း တေပါင္းလျပည့္ေက်ာ္(၁)ရက္ေန ့ကုိ၎ အသီးသီး ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ကုိ တကြဲတျပားဆီ က်င္းပခဲ့ၾကပါသည္။
ထုိသုိ ့ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ကုိ အကြဲကြဲအျပားျပား က်င္းပၾကေသာေၾကာင့္ စိတ္၀မ္းကြဲမႈမ်ားလည္း ရွိေနၾကပါသည္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကေသာ ေဒါက္တာ တီသံျပာ၊ ဦးလူနီ၊ ေဒါက္တာျမတ္စံ၊ ဦးစံလုံးႏွင့္ အျခားေသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီးမ်ား ပါ၀င္ေသာ “ေဒါကလူ”ေခၚ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအသင္းၾကီး၊ Karen National Association (KNA)၊ အသင္းၾကီးကုိ (၁၈၈၁) ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တည္ေထာင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၎အခ်ိန္က ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံတြင္ မည္သည့္ႏုိင္ငံေရးအဖြဲ ့အစည္းမွ မရွိေသးေပ။
ထုိအသင္းၾကီးက “ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့”ကုိ တေန ့တည္း က်င္းပလွ်င္ ပုိ၍သင့္ေလွ်ာ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိသည္။ ထုိ ့ ေၾကာင့္ အနယ္နယ္အရပ္ရပ္မွ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္အမတ္မ်ားအား ေတြ ့ ဆုံေစၿပီး၊ မည္သည့္ေန ့ရက္တြင္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့က်င္းပရန္ သင့္ေလွ်ာ္မည္ကုိ ေရွးအေထာက္အထားမ်ား၊ အေၾကာင္းအရာမ်ားကုိ စုံစမ္း၍ “ေဒါကလူ”အသင္းၾကီးအား ျပ္န္လည္အစီရင္ခံေစသည္။
ထုိ့ေၾကာင့္ အနယ္နယ္အရပ္ရပ္မွ အစီရင္ခံစာမ်ား ေပးပုိ ့ၾကသည္သာမက “ဆရာယာနီ”ဆုိသူ ကုိယ္တုိင္လာေရာက္ေတြ ့ဆုံသည္။ “ဆရာယာနီ”သည္ ေျမာင္းျမခရုိင္- တကူးဆိပ္ရြားသာညးျဖစ္၍ ဖါပြန္တြင္ ေက်ာင္းဆရာအျဖစ္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ အလုပ္လုပ္ခဲ့သူျဖစ္သည္။ ၎ႏွင့္အတူ ေတာင္ေပၚကရင္ေဒသရွိ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား အသုံးျပဳေသာ ပ်ဥ္ျပားျပကၡဒိန္ကုိ ယူေဆာင္လာ၍ တင္ျပသည္။ ထုိပ်ဥ္ျပားျပကၡဒိန္တြင္ တႏွစ္လွ်င္ (၁၂)လ ပါရွိ၍ ပထမလမွာ ျပာသုိလျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သက္ေသအေထာက္အထားႏွင့္ တင္ျပပါသည္။
ထုိ ့အတူ “ေဒါကလူ”အသင္းၾကီး၏ အေထြေထြအတြင္းေရးမွဴး မန္းဘခင္မွလည္း ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၇၀)ေက်ာ္က စတင္ထုတ္ေ၀ခဲ့သည့္ ပုိးကရင္သင္ပုန္းၾကီ္းႏွင္ ့ဖတ္စာအုပ္ကုိ တင္ျပပါသည္။
အဆုိပါစာအုပ္တြင္ တႏွစ္လွ်င္ (၁၂)လ ပါရွိၿပီး ျပာသုိလမွာ ပထမလ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဘုိးဘြားမ်ားလက္ထက္မွစ၍ ယေန ့တုိင္ေအာင္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ကုိ ျပာသုိလဆန္း (၁)ရက္ေန ့တြင္ က်င္းပေၾကာင္း တင္ျပသြားပါသည္။
ထုိ ့ေၾကာင့္ သမုိင္း၀င္ေန ့တေန ့ရရွိရန္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့အျဖစ္ တင္သြင္းရာ၌ ပထမဦးစြာ ေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ စတင္ တင္သြင္းရမည္ျဖစ္၍ ကရင္အမတ္ (၁၅)ဦး၏ ဒုတိယဥကၠဌျဖစ္ေသာ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဖုိးမင္း (Saw Joh Nson –D- P0min)သည္ ေန ့ရက္သတ္မွတ္ေရးအတြက္ တာ၀န္ယူရသည္။ ထုိ ့ ေၾကာင့္ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဖုိးမင္း သည္ ေတာင္ငူၿမဳိ ့ရွိ ကရင္သက္ၾကီး၀ါရင့္သူတခ်ဳိ ့ႏွင့္ ေဆြးေႏြးခဲ့ၿပီး သရာမုိးလုိ (ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားအလံေတာ္ ပုံစံတင္သြင္းရာတြင္ ဒုတိယဆုရရွိသူ)အား ဆက္လက္ တာ၀န္လႊဲအပ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။
သရာမုိးလုိသည္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတုိ ့၏ ခုႏွစ္သကၠရာဇ္သည္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္းမည္မွ်ရွိေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတုိ ့၏ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့သည္ မည္သည့္ေန ့၊ လ၊တြင္ ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း ဟူေသာ အခ်က္ ႏွစ္ခ်က္အေပၚ မူတည္၍ ရွာေဖြသုေတသနလုပ္ခဲ့ၿပီး ျပည္လည္တင္ျပခဲ့သည္။

အေရွ ့တုိင္းသုေတသနၾကီးႏွစ္ဦးျဖစ္ေသာ ဂ်ီ၊ အိပ္ခ်္၊ လူစ့္(G.H.Luce)ႏွင့္ ဂ်ီ၊ အီး၊ ဟာဗီ(G.E. Harvey)တုိ ့၏ မွတ္တမ္းျပဳခ်က္အရ၎၊ အမ်ဳိးသားပညာ၀န္ ဦးဖုိးက်ား ေရးသားေသာ ျမန္မာရာဇ၀င္အရ၎၊ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသုိ ့ ေရွးဦးစြာ ၀င္လာခဲ့ၾကသည္မွာ ဘီ။ စီ ၇၃၉ ခုႏွစ္က ျဖစ္ေၾကာင္း သိရွိရေပသည္။
သုိ ့ျဖစ္၍ သရာမုိးလုိက ကရင္သကၠရာဇ္ကုိ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတုိ ့ ျမန္မာႏုိင္သုိ ့ ၀င္ေရာက္လာခဲ့ၾကသည့္ ထုိႏွစ္မွ အစျပဳ၍ ေရတြက္ရန္ အဆုိျပဳခဲ့၏။ ယင္းအဆုိျပဳခ်က္ကုိ ေအ၊ ဒီ ၁၉၃၆ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ တင္သြင္းခဲ့ရာ၊ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံသုိ ့ စတင္၀င္ေရာက္လာခဲ့ၾကသည့္ ဘီ၊ စီ ၇၃၉ ခုႏွစ္မွ စ၍ ေရတြက္ေသာ္ ႏွစ္ေပါင္း (၂၆၇၅)ႏွစ္ ရွိၿပီးျဖစ္သည္။
ေတာင္ငူၿမဳိ ့ရွိ သက္ၾကီး၀ါၾကီးမ်ား၏ သေဘာတူညီ သတ္မွတ္လုိက္သည့္ ေန ့ရက္ (သေလလဆန္း (၁)ရက္)ကုိ ဥပေဒျပဳေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္တြင္ တင္သြင္းအဆုိကုိ ေစာဂြ်န္ဆင္ဒီဖုိးမင္း လက္မွတ္ထုိး၍ ေအာက္လႊတ္အစည္းအေ၀းတြင္ တင္သြင္းခဲ့၏။ ၁၉၃၇ ခုႏွစ္၊ ၾသဂုတ္လ ၂၃ ရက္ေနံတြင္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ေသာ ဥပေဒျပဳေအာက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ အစည္းအေ၀းမွတ္တမ္းတင္ခ်က္အရ (Presented)ဟူ၍ မွတ္တမ္းတင္ထားသည္။
ယင္းကိစၥႏွင့္ပတ္သက္၍ အထက္လႊတ္ေတာ္မွ ဆရာစံေဘာ္ က ဆက္လက္ဦးေဆာင္၍ ၀န္ၾကီး ေစာေဖသာႏွင့္ ညွိႏႈိင္းၿပီး၊ ေဒါက္တာ ဘေမာ္အစုိးရအဖြဲ ့သုိ ့ တင္ျပ၍ အစုိးရ၏ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္အရ (Cabi-net Executive Pow – er)ျဖင့္ ဘုရင္ခံထံသုိ ့ တင္ျပႏုိင္၍ ဘုရင္ခံ၏ သေဘာတူညီခ်က္ေၾကာင့္ အစုိးရရုံးမ်ားႏွင့္ လႊဲေျပာင္းႏုိင္သည္။
စာခ်ဳပ္စာတမ္း အက္ဥပေဒ (Ne – G0tiable Instrument act.) အစုိးရ အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ ရုံးပိတ္ရက္အျဖစ္ ရရွိခဲ့သည္။
အစုိးရ၏ ပထမဦးဆုံး အသိအမွတ္ျပဳ ရုံးပိတ္ရက္မွာ ၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဇန္န၀ါရီလ (၁)ရက္ (၁၂၉၉ ခုႏွစ္ ျပာသုိလဆန္း (၁)ရက္ေန ့ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ၎ေန ့တြင္ ၀တ္လုံေတာ္ရ ဆစ္ဒနီလူနီက အသံလႊင့္မိန္ ့ခြန္း ေျပာၾကားခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ေပၚထြက္လာသည့္ “သာ့ပြာဖုိးလင္းေတး” ျပဳစုေရးဆြဲခဲ့သည့္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားျပကၡဒိန္အရ၊ တစ္ႏွစ္ျပည့္ေျမာက္၍ ၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္ဘာလ (၂၁)ရက္ေန ့တြင္ က်ေရာက္သည့္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ပြဲေတာ္တြင္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္ၾကီး (၅)ဦး ျဖစ္ၾကေသာ ေဒါက္တာစံစီဖုိး၊ မန္းေရႊဘ၊ မန္းလွေဖ၊ ေစာဆစ္ဒနီလူနီႏွင့္ ေစာေဖသာတုိ ့က ၾသ၀ါဒ သ၀ဏ္လႊာေပးပုိ ့ခဲ့သည္။
(သ၀ဏ္လႊာ ေပးပုိ ့သည့္ ေန ့စြဲမွာ “သာ့ပြာဖုိးလင္းေတး”၏ ျပကၡဒိန္အရ ၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ႏွစ္ၾကိမ္မွ် က်ေရာက္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ရက္ အမွန္ (၂၁ - ၁၂ - ၁၉၃၈) အစား (၂၁ - ၁၂ - ၁၉၃၉)ဟူ၍ ျဖစ္ေနေၾကာင္း သတိျပဳအပ္၏)
မည္သုိ ့ပင္ဆုိေစ ယေန ့ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားထုတရပ္လုံးက သရာမုိလုိ၏ ရွာေဖြခ်မွတ္ေပးခဲ့သည့္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္ကူး ေန ့ ျဖစ္ေသာ “သေလ”လဆန္း (၁)ရက္ဟု အတည္ျပဳထားေသာ ျပာသုိလဆန္း (၁)ရက္ သုိ ့မဟုတ္ “ထုိင္ေခါက္ဖုိး”လဆန္း (၁)ရက္ ကုိသာ ဆက္လက္ အတည္ျပဳလက္ခံေနၾကေၾကာင္း ေတြ ့ရွိပါသည္။

ပထမဆုံးေသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ အသံလႊင့္မိန္ ့ခြန္း
ယေန ့ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ား
ယေန ့သည္ သမုိင္း၀င္ေန ့ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ အစုိးရက တရား၀င္အသိအမွတ္ျပဳေသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေန ့ လည္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ဤေန ့ရက္သည္ ကရင္တစ္မ်ဳိးသားလုံး၏ မဂၤလာအခါေန ့လည္းျဖစ္ပါသည္။ တစ္သီးတစ္ျခား တစ္ကြဲတစ္ျပားေနထုိင္ခဲ့ၾကရာမွ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့သည္ ယေန ့မွစ၍ တုိင္းရင္းသားအားလုံး၏ အေရးအခင္းႏွင္ ့ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အေရးအခင္းတြင္ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္ရပါမည္။ လူဦးေရ ႏွစ္သန္းေက်ာ္မွ်ရွိေသာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားသည္ ျမန္မာျပည္၏ ကံၾကမၼာကုိ ဖန္တီးရာ၌ အဓိကမွ ပါ၀င္ႏုိင္မည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ပါသည္။
ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့လူမ်ဳိး ဆိတ္သုဥ္းမသြားဘဲ တည္ရွိေနခဲ့သည္မွာ မည္သည့္အဖြဲ ့အစည္း၊ မည္သည့္အုပ္ခ်ဳပ္ေရးစနစ္၊ မည္သူတုိ ့၏ ပေယာဂေက်းဇူးေၾကာင့္မွ မဟုတ္ဘဲ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့၏ထူးျခားေသာ ပင္ကုိယ္အရည္အခ်င္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္သာ ျဖစ္ေပသည္။ ပရိယာယ္မရွိ ရုိးသားၾကသည္။ စိတ္ထားေျဖာင့္မတ္ၾကသည္။ ဂီတကုိ ျမတ္ႏုိးသည္။ ဘုရားတရားကုိ ေလးစားသည္။ အျခားေသာ တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးမ်ားႏွင့္ ဒုိးတးေပါင္းဖက္ ဆက္ဆံေပါင္းသင္းသြားျခင္းျဖင့္ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့ ၏ အမ်ဳိးသားဂုဏ္သိကၡာ၊ အရည္အခ်င္းမ်ားကုိ ခုိင္မာေအာင္ ထိန္းသိမ္းျခင္း၊ ျမွင့္တင္ျခင္းမ်ား ျပဳႏုိင္မည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ၾကသည္။
ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့တစ္ေတြ ဆုံးျ့ဖတ္ခ်က္မ်ား ခ်တ္မွတ္သည့္အခ်ိန္က်လာခဲ့ၿပီး ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့သည္ ယခင္ကဲ့သုိ ့ပင္ တစ္သီးတစ္ျခား ရပ္တည္ေရးအတြက္ ရပ္တည္ၾကမည္ေလာ၊ သုိ ့တည္းမဟုတ္၊ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံ၏ၾကမၼာကုိ ဖန္တီးရာ၌ တစ္အပ္တစ္အား လက္တြဲပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္မည္ေလာ။
ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့သည္ ကရင္တစ္မ်ဳိးသားလုံး၏ စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္မႈကုိ တည္ေဆာက္ရင္း ညီညြတ္ေသာ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအျဖစ္ သုိ ့ ပါ၀င္ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကဳိးပမ္းၾကမည္။ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအေနျဖင့္ ကုိယ္က်ဳိးမဖက္ မေၾကာက္ရြံ ့ဘဲ လူမ်ဳိးေရးႏွင့္ ဘာသာေရး အာဃာတ အလ်ဥ္းကင္းစင္ေသာ စိတ္ထားျဖင့္ တုိင္းျပည္၊ ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္အက်ဳိးစီးပြားကုိ ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကမည္။
ယေန ့အခ်ိန္အခါတြင္ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့အမ်ဳိ်သားအေမြအႏွစ္မ်ား ေရွးေဟာင္းကဗ်ာ၊ လကၤာပုံျပင္မ်ား၊ ကရင္ပညာရွိမ်ားႏွင့္ ရုိးရာ “ယြာ”ဘုရားသခင္ကုိ သတိရေအာက္ေမ့လ်က္ ယင္းတုိ ့၏ ဆုံးမၾသ၀ါဒမ်ားကုိ ျပန္လည္က်င့္သုံးေနၾကပါမည္။ ပုဂၢဳိလ္တစ္ဦးခ်င္းအေနျဖင့္လည္ေကာင္း၊ တစ္အိမ္တစ္မိသားစုအေနျဖင့္လည္းေကာင္း၊ ဘ၀သစ္တစ္ရပ္ကုိ ပါ၀င္ဖန္တီးေဆာင္ရြက္သြားႏုိင္မည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ပါသည္။
ေခတ္ႏွင့္ေလ်ာ္ညီစြာ ေတြးေခၚစိ္တ္ကူးလ်က္ အက်ဳိးျဖစ္ထြန္းမည့္လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ၾကံဆခ်မွတ္ကာ အျခားေသာတုိင္းရင္းသားမ်ားႏွင့္ တစ္စိတ္တစ္၀မ္းတည္း က်ရာက႑မွ စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္ေသာ လူမ်ဳိးေပါင္းဆုံထားသည့္ ျမန္မာႏုိင္ငံအျဖစ္ တာ၀န္ယူသြားၾကမည္။
ထုိ ့ေၾကာင့္ ကၽြႏု္ပ္တုိ ့တစ္ေတြလည္း ႏုိင္ငံေတာ္ဖြံ ့ၿဖဳိးတုိးတက္ေရး အက်ဳိးလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားတြင္ ေဖာ္ျပပါယုံၾကည္ခ်က္မ်ားအတုိင္း ကုိယ္စြမ္း၊ ဥာဏ္စြမ္းရွိသေရြ ့ အားသြန္ခြန္စုိက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ၾကရန္ ယေန ့ ရက္ျမတ္ ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္မဂၤလာအခ်ိန္တြင္ အဓိဌာန္ျပဳၾကပါစုိ ့
(၁၉၃၈ ခုႏွစ္၊ ဒီဇင္လာလ ၂၁ ရက္)
၂၆၇၆ ခုႏွစ္၊ သေလး၊ ထုိက္ေခါက္ဖုိး၊ ျပာသုိလဆန္း (၁)ရက္ ။ ပုံ - စံစီဖုိး၊ ေရႊဘ၊လွေဖ၊ ေဖသာ၊ ဆစ္ဒနီလူနီ

ကရင္္ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲႏွင့္ ဖီ့ွဗူးေယာ္(ဖီ့ဗူးယ၀္) ပူေဇာ္ပြဲ အေၾကာင္းသိေကာင္းစရာ
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတုိင္း က်ယ္က်ယ္ျပန့္ျပန့္သိရွိနိဳင္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္လ်က္လက္လွမ္းမွီရာ တတ္နိဳင္သမွ်ရွာေဖြ စုေဆာင္းတင္ျပအပ္ပါသည္။
ကရင့္ရုိးရာဓေလ့ပြဲေတာ္မ်ား
ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ ့၏ ေရွးဘုိးဘြားဘီဘင္မ်ားသည္ ၀ိညာဥ္ကုိယုံၾကည္ၾကသည္။ ၀ိညာဥ္လိပ္ျပာသည္ လူ၏ခႏၶာကုိယ္တြင္ ပူးကပ္မွီတြယ္ေနၿပီး လိပ္ျပာၽႏွင့္အတူရွိေသာသူသည္ က်န္းမာသည္၊ သန္စြမ္းသည္၊ စိတ္ဓါတ္ၾကံခုိင္မႉရွိသည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ၾက၏။
ထုိ ့အတူ သစ္ပင္ သီးႏွံတုိ ့တြင္လည္း ၎တုိ ့ကုိကာကြယ္ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေသာ၀ိညာဥ္ရွိသည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ၾကသည္။ တနည္းအားျဖင့္ အပင္တုိ ့ကုိေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေသာ နတ္ဟုဆုိနိဳင္ေသာ ရုကၡစုိးနတ္ေကာင္းနတ္ျမတ္တုိ ့ရွိသည္ဟု ယုံၾကည္ၾက သည္။ ထုိနည္းအတူ ေတာင္ယာတြင္ ေတာင္ယာကုိ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေသာနတ္၊ လယ္ေျမကုိ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေသာနတ္မ်ားအျပင္ လူေနအိမ္တြင္ အိမ္ကုိေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေသာနတ္ဟူ၍ ရွိသည္ကုိ ယုံၾကည္ၾကသည္။
ထုိယုံၾကည္မႉမ်ားေၾကာင့္ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ ့တြင္ လယ္ယာလုပ္ငန္းႏွင့္ပတ္သက္ေသာပြဲေတာ္၊ ရုိးရာဓေလ့ပြဲေတာ္ အမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးရွိၾကသည္။ ၎ရုိးရာဓေလ့ပြဲေတာ္မ်ားမွာ-----
(၁) ေတာင္ယာနတ္စားခ်ိန္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၂) ေတာ္ယာခုတ္ခ်ိန္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၃) ေတာ္ယာစူးထုိးခ်ိန္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၄) ေတာင္ယာစပါးရိတ္သိမ္းခ်ိန္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၅) ေရေျမာင္းတာတမံပူေဇာ္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၆) ပ်ိဳးပင္လိပ္ျပာေခၚပြဲေတာ္၊
(၇) စပါးပုံလိပ္ျပာေခၚပြဲေတာ္၊
(၈) ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲေတာ္ႏွင့္ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၉) အိမ္သစ္တက္မဂၤလာပြဲေတာ္၊
(၁၀) ထိမ္းျမားမဂၤလာလက္ထပ္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၁၁) ရြာလုံးကၽြတ္လိပ္ျပာေခၚပြဲေတာ္ (ေခၚ)၀ါေခါင္လခ်ည္ျဖဴပြဲ မဂၤလာပြဲေတာ္၊
(၁၂) အရုိးေကာက္ပြဲေတာ္၊
(၁၃) ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးပြဲေတာ္ စသည္ျဖင့္ ပြဲေတာ္အမ်ဳိးမ်ိဳးရွိၾကသည္။ သူ ့အခ်ိန္အခါႏွင့္သူ သူ ့ေနရာ၊ႏွင့္သူ ပုံစံအမ်ိဳးမ်ိဳးက်င္းပၾကသည္။
ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္အား ရုိးရာပြဲေဇာ္ပြဲတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ လက္ခံက်င္းပျခင္း
ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ ့သည္ စပါးကုိေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေသာ စပါးလိပ္ျပာ (သုိ ့) စပါးေစာင့္နတ္ (ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္) ရွိသည္ဟုယုံၾကည္ၾကသည္။ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ကုိ ပူေဇာ္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္စပါးသည္ ပ်က္စီးေလလြင့္မႈနည္းပါးၿပီး ပုိမုိ၍အထြက္တုိး၏။ ရွိၿပီးသားစပါးတုိ ့သည္လည္း စားသုံးမႈအစဥ္လုံေလာက္ၿပီး မသိမသာတုိးပြားၿမဲျဖစ္သည္ဟုယုံၾကည္ၾက၏။ ထုိယုံၾကည္ခ်က္အရ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ကုိ ရုိေသသမႈျပဳေသာအားျဖင့္ ရိုးရာပူေဇာ္ပြဲတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ လက္ခံက်င္းပၾကသည္။
ၾကဳိတင္ျပင္ဆင္မႈလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားအဆင့္ဆင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္း
ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ ့သည္ လယ္ယာေျမထြန္ယက္ၿပီး၍ စုိက္ပ်ိဳးရန္သင့္ျမတ္ေသာ ရက္ျမတ္သုိ ့ေရာက္လာလွ်င္ ဦးစြာလယ္ေျမ ကြက္၏ေဒါင့္စြန္းတုိ ့၌ စပါးပင္(၇)ပင္ (သုိ ့) မ်ိဳးေကာက္ခ်က္(၇)ခ်က္ကုိ စုိက္ထားရသည္။၎စုိက္ထားေသာ စပါးပင္မ်ားကုိ ကၽြဲႏြားတိရိစ>ာန္ မ်ားမဖ်က္ဆီးႏုိင္ေအာင္ေကာင္းစြာကာရန္ထားႀကသည္။၎ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္စပါးစိုက္ျပီးမွသာက်န္လယ္ေျမကြက္ကိုဆက္လက္စိုက္ပ်ဳိးႀကသည္၊၊အကယ္၍ရက္ေကာင္းျမတ္ေန ့တြင္ စပါးစိုက္ပ်ဳိးရန္အေျခအေနမေပးပါကစတိသေဘာျဖင့္ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္စပါးကိုစိုက္ပ်ဳိးထားႀကသည္။ေနာင္အဆင္ေျပးေသာအခ်ိန္မွသာက်န္ေသာလယ္ကြက္ကိုစိုက္ပ်ဳိးႀကသည္။၎ျပဳလုပ္ခ်က္ကိုကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတို ့ကေလာင္းဆိုက္ခြတ္(လင္ဆိက္ေခါဟ္)ဟုေခၚဆိုႀကသည္။အခ်ိန္တန္၍စပါးရင့္မွည့္ခ်ိန္ေရာက္ေသာအခါတြင္လည္းစပါးကြက္မ်ားကိုဦးစြာရိတ္ျပီးစပါးစည္းမ်ားက္ိုတလင္းတြင္စုပံုထားႀကသည္။စပါးစည္မ်ားတလင္းသို ့အားလံုးစံုပံုျပီးမွသာဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္စပါးကိုျပန္ရိတ္ရသည္။ဖီဗူးေယာ္စပါးကိုရိပ္သိမ္းျပီးေသာအခါစုစည္းျပီး၀ါးကိုင္း၏ထိပ္ဖ်ားတြင္ခ်ည္ေႏွာက္ကာတြဲလြဲခ်ထားရသည္။(၀ါးကိုင္းကိုထိပ္ဖ်ားအရြက္အခက္မ်ားခ်န္းလွပ္ျပီး၊အရင္ပ္ိုင္းအရြက္အခက္မ်ားခ်န္းလွပ္ျပီးအရင္ပိုင္းအရြက္အခက္မ်ားကိုသပ္ခ်ပ္ရသည္)၎အျပင့္ယက္ထားေသာ

ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲ က်င္းပျခင္း
ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတုိ ့သည္ မိရုိဖလာ ေတာင္ယာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားျဖင့္ ၊ ေရွးဦးမဆြကပင္ လုပ္ကုိင္ၿပီး အသက္ေမြး၀မ္းေၾကာင္း ျပဳခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ေတာင္ယာလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားမွ ေပၚထြက္လာသည့္ သီးဦးသီးဖ်ားမ်ားျဖင့္ ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲကုိ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိၾကသည္။ သုိ ့ေသာ္ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးကုိ ျမန္မာနုိင္ငံသုိ ့ေရၾကည္ရာျမက္။နဳရာေရာက္လာၾကသည့္အခါ ေရေျမေဒသ ျခားနားစြာေနထုိင္မႈ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ ျဖတ္သန္းလာခဲ့ရေသာ ခရီးၾကမ္းတုိ ့ေၾကာင့္ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္နီးစပ္မႈႏွင့္ ဘာသာယုံၾကည္မႈကုိႏြယ္၍ ေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲ က်င္းပသည့္ေန ့ရက္မ်ား ကြဲျပားလာခဲ့ၾကသည္။ေဒသအလိုက္ ေကာက္သစ္ စားပြဲေတာ္ က်င္းပျပဳလုပ္ေလ့ရွိေသာ ေန ့ရက္မ်ားမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းျဖစ္သည္။
(၁) မိရုိးဖလာကုိ ကုိးကြယ္ေသာ ေတာင္ေပၚေဒသေန ကရင္တုိ ့သည္ တစ္ႏွစ္တာ ေတာင္ယာလုပ္ငန္းၿပီးစီး၍ အရုိးေကာက္ပြဲမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ၿပီးမွသာ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိျခင္း။
(၂) ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ဖါးအံႏွစ္ျခားေဒသရွိ လဲကယ္ဘာသာ၀င္ ကရင္တုိ ့သည္ နယုန္လအတြင္း ပထမအပတ္ စေနေန ့(မူထုန္း)တြင္ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိျခင္း။
(၃) ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ဖါးအံဒုံရင္းေဒသရွိ လဲကယ္ဘာသာ၀င္ကရင္တုိ ့သည္ တန္ေဆာင္မုန္းလ ပထမအပတ္ စေနေန ့(မူထုတ္)တြင္ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိျခင္း။
(၄) ေျမျပန္ ့ေဒသေန ကရင္အခ်ိဳ ့ႏွင့္ ထုိင္း(ယုိးဒယား)ရွိ ကရင္အခ်ိဳ ့တုိ ့က ျပာသုိလဆန္း တစ္ရက္ေန ့တြင္ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိျခင္း။
(၅) ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ တလာကူရေသ့ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ၀င္ အခ်ိဳ ့က တေပါင္းလျပည့္ေက်ာ္ တစ္ရက္ေန ့တြင္ က်င္းပေလ့ရွိျခင္း။
စသည္ျဖင့္ ဘာသာယုံၾကည္မႈအရ ကြဲျပားေလ့ရွိၾကသည္။ သုိ ့ေသာ္ ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲေတာ္ႏွင့္အတူ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲကုိ ယွဥ္တြဲလ်က္က်င္းပေလ့ရွိၾကသည္။ လုပ္ငန္းလုပ္ဟန္ အနည္းငယ္ကြဲျပားမႈရွိေသာ္လည္း ရည္ရည္ခ်က္ကား အတူတူပင္ျဖစ္သည္။
ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတုိ ့သည္ ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲေတာ္၌ ေနာဟ္ပြဲ(ေခၚ) နပန္းပြဲ လက္ေ၀ွ ့ပြဲ ၊ ၾသပြဲမ်ားျဖင့္ အင္အားျပ၊ သတၱိျပ၊ က်န္းမာသန္စြမ္းမႈကုိ ျပေသာယွဥ္ၿပိဳင္ပြဲမ်ား က်င္းပၾကုသည္။
ရုိးရာေကာက္သစ္စားပြဲ (အင္းလင္ဗူးသင့္ေခါဟ္) ႏွင့္အတူ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္အား ပူေဇာ္ပြဲကုိ ေပ်ာ္ရြင္စြာ ဆင္ယင္က်င္းပၿပီးေနာက္ တလင္းရွိစပါးမ်ားကုိ စပါးက်ီသုိ ့ ထည့္သြင္းရေလသည္။ ေက်းရြာအလုိ္က္အမ်ားႏွင့္ သက္ဆုိင္သည့္ စပါးက်ီ (သုိ ့) ရြာပုိင္းစပါးက်ီကုိ သင့္ေလ်ာ္သည့္ေနရာတြင္ သတ္မွတ္ေဆာက္လုပ္ထားၾကသည္။ စပါးက်ီတြင္းသုိ ့ စပါးအားလုံးထည့္သြင္း ၿပီးမွသာလွ်င္ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္စပါး၊ ၎၏ မ်ိဳးေစ့ဥ (အု္ခုီ ့) ျဖစ္ေသာ ေျမစာလုံးခဲတစ္လုံးႏွင့္ ၎အား ပူေဇာ္ပသထားေသာ ပုလုိင္းငယ္တုိ ့ကုိ စပါးက်ီ၏အေပၚေထာင့္ တစ္ေနရာတြင္ တင္ထားၿပီး တစ္ႏွစ္ပတ္လုံး ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ကုိယ္စား စပါးက်ီကုိ ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေစလသည္။အခ်ိဳ ့မွာ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္တုိင္ထိိတ္တြင္ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ကုိယ္စား သိန္းငွက္ိရုပ္ျပဳလုပ္ခ်ိတ္ဆြဲထားၾကသည္။ သိန္းငွက္ရုပ္ရွိုျခင္းျဖင့္ ၾကြက္၊ ငွက္ ၊ ၾကက္မ်ား စပါးကုိလာေရာက္ဖ်က္ဆီးမႈကုိ ကာကြယ္သည္။ သိန္းငွက္ကၾကြက္၊ ငွက္ ၊ၾကက္မ်ားကို ထုိးသုတ္ခ်ီယူ စားေသာက္ျခင္းအားျဖင့္ စပါးကုိဖ်က္ဆီးသည့္အႏၱရာယ္မ်ားကုိ ကာကြယ္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္၍ သိန္းငွက္ရုပ္ကုိ ခ်ိတ္ဆြဲၾကျခင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ယေန ့ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ ပူေဇာ္ပြဲ က်င္းပသည့္အခါ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္အား ျပန္လည္ပုိ ိ့ေဆာင္ေသာအားျဖင့္ လူစုလူေ၀းမ်ား တန္းစီၿပီး အုိးစည္၊ ဖါးစည္မ်ားျဖင့္ တေပ်ာ္တပါးပုိ ့ေဆာင္ၾကၿပီး ေပ်ာ္ပြဲရၷင္ပြဲတစ္ရပ္အျဖစ္ က်င္းပၾကသည္ကုိ ေတြ ့ရေပသည္။
ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲ က်င္းပျခင္းအခမ္းအနားအစီအစဥ္
ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲကုိ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့နံက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ျပဳလုပ္ေလ့ရွိၾကသည္။ နံနက္ေနအာရုံတက္ခ်ိန္တြင္ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအလံေတာ္အား လြင့္ထူျခင္း၊ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ အထိမ္းအမွတ္ေဟာေျပာပြဲမ်ား ျပဳလုပ္ျခင္းမ်ား ၿပီးေနာက္ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲကုိ တစ္ဆက္တည္းက်င္ပၾကသည္။ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲျပဳလုပ္သည့္ အခမ္းအနားအစီအစဥ္မွာ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴး (၁)ဦးႏွင့္အရန္(၂)ဦးတုိ ့က၊ ရာဇမတ္၀င္းအတြင္းသုိ ့ စတင္ေနရာယူျခင္း။
ေန ့(၇)ေန ့စုံေသာ အဖုိး (၇)ဦးႏွင့္ အဖြား (၇)ဦးတုိ ့က ေျမငယ္မ်ားျခံရန္လ်က္ ေနရာယူျခင္း။
ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴးမွစပါးလိပ္ျပာမ်ားအသီးသီးျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္လာေစရန္ႏွင့္ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္အား မွာတမ္းေခြ်ေသာအားျဖင့္ ရြတ္ဖတ္ပူေဇာ္ျခင္း။
ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴးက ဦးေဆာင္လ်က္ အဖုိးအဖြားႏွင့္ ေျမးငယ္မ်ားအားလုံး ရာဇမတ္၀င္္းအတြင္းမွ ျပန္လည္ထြက္ခြါျခင္း။
အထက္ပါအခမ္းအနားအစီအစဥ္ျဖင့္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ရာတြင္ ေဆာင္ရြက္သည့္ လုပ္နည္းလုပ္ဟန္မ်ားမွာ ေအာက္ပါအတုိင္းျဖစ္သည္။
ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴးမ်ားေနရာယူအၿပီးတြြြင္ ေန ့(၇)ေန ့စုံေသာ အဖုိး(၇)ဦးႏွင့္အဖြား(၇)ဦးတုိ ့သည္ ေျမးငယ္မ်ားက ျခံရံလုိက္ပါလ်က္ ရာဇမတ္၀င္္းအတြင္းသုိ ့ ဆက္လက္ေနရာယူၾကသည္။ ရာဇမတ္၀င္းအတြင္းရွိ စပါးပုံအား လက္ယာရစ္ ျဖင့္ (၃)ပတ္တိတိလွည့္ပတ္ပူေဇာ္ၿပီးေနာက္ စပါးပုံ၏ လက္ယာဘက္တြင္ အဖုိး(၇)ဦးကလည္းေကာင္း၊ လက္၀ဲဘက္တြင္ အဖြား(၇)ဦးကလည္းေကာင္း ၊ ေန ့နာမ္အလုိက္အသီးသီးေနရာယူၾကသည္။ ေျမးငယ္မ်ားက အဖုိးအဖြား၏ ေနာက္၌ ေနရာယူၾကသည္။ထုိသုိ ့ေနရာယူၿပီးခ်ိန္တြင္ ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴးသည္ စပါးလိပ္ျပာမ်ားအသီးသီး ျပန္လည္၀င္ေရာက္လာေစရန္ႏွင့္ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္အား မွာတမ္းေခြ်ေသာအားျဖင့္ ကရင္ဘာသာျဖင့္ စတင္၍ ရြတ္ပါသည္။ ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴးရြတ္ဖတ္ပူေဇာ္ျခင္း ၿပီးဆုံးသည့္အခါတြင္ အဖုိးအဖြားမ်ားက စပါးပုံအား အေမႊးနံသာရည္မ်ား ပက္ျဖန္းၾကၿပီး ေျမးငယ္မ်ားက ေပါက္ေပါက္ဆုပ္မ်ား ႀကဲပက္ၾကသည္။ ၿပီးေနာက္ ပြဲေတာ္အႀကီးအမွဴးက ေရွ့ဦးမွ ဦးေဆာင္ၿပီး အဖုိးအဖြားႏွင့္ေျမးငယ္မ်ားတုိ ့ေနာက္မွ ျခံရံလုိက္ပါလ်က္ ရာဇမတ္၀င္းအတြင္းမွ အသီးသီးျပန္လည္ထြက္ခြါၾကသည္။
ပြဲေတာ္၌ဧည့္ခံေကြ်းေမြးရန္ အသင့္ျပဳလုပ္ထားေသာ ရုိးရာစားဖြယ္ေသာက္ဖြယ္မ်ား ေခါင္ရည္မ်ားကုိ ပြဲေတာ္လာပရိတ္သတ္မ်ားအား တည္ခင္းဧည့္ခံေကြ်းေမြးၾကသည္။ ကရင္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ လူငယ္ေမာင္မယ္မ်ားကလည္း ပရိတ္မ်ားအား ရုိးရာေတးသီခ်င္းမ်ားျဖင့္ ေဖ်ာ္ေျဖေပးၾကသည္။
နိဂုံး
ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲကုိ ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားေနထုိင္ရာ ေက်းလက္ေဒသမ်ားတြင္ ႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့အခမ္းအနားႏွင့္အတူ ယခင္က ယွဥ္တြဲျပဳလုပ္ခဲ့ၾကေသာ္လည္း ေနာက္ပုိင္းတြင္ ေမွးမွိန္လာကာ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္လုနီးပါး ျဖစ္ေနေပသည္။ ကရင္ျပည္နယ္ ကရင္စာေပႏွင့္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ တုိးတက္ျဖန္ ့ပြားေရးအသင္းသည္ ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္လုနီးပါးျဖစ္ေသာ ဖီ့ဗူးေယာ္ပူေဇာ္ပြဲရုိးရာဓေလ့ကုိေဖၚထုတ္ထိမ္းသိမ္းျမွင့္တင္ေသာအားျဖင့္ ဖါးအံၿမိဳ ့ေပၚတြင္က်င္းပေသာ ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားႏွစ္သစ္ကူးေန ့ပြဲေတာ္မ်ားတြင္ သရုပ္ျပပြဲအျဖစ္ က်င္းပျပသနိဳင္ခဲ့သည္။အဆုိပါ သရုပ္ျပပြဲမွ ရုိက္ကူးထားေသာ မွတ္တမ္းဓါတ္ပုံမ်ားကုိ ရန္ကုန္ၿမိဳ ့ တပ္မေတာ္စစ္သမုိင္းျပတုိက္တြင္ အမ်ားျပည္သူေလ့လာနိဳင္ရန္ ခ်ိတ္ဆြဲျပသထားသည္။
ကရင္အမ်ိိဳးသားတုိင္း မိမိတုိ ့၏ ရုိးရာယဥ္ေက်းမႈ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ားကုိ အျမတ္တနိဳးေဖၚထုတ္ထိမ္းသိမ္း ျမွင့္တင္နိဳင္ၾကပါေစ ဟူ၍ ဆႏၵျပဳအပ္ပါသည္။

လူမ်ိဳးတံုးသုတ္သင္မွဳ

2008-12-22T01:32:00.000-08:00

လူမ်ိဳးတံုးသုတ္သင္မွဳ
ေမ(၂)ရက္ႏွင့္ (၃)ရက္က အင္အားျပင္းထန္မႈအဆင့္ ၾကယ္ ၄ ပြင့္ရွိ၍ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၂ဝ ႏႈန္းျဖင့္ နာဂစ္ဆိုင္ကလုန္းမုန္တိုင္း တိုက္ခတ္ခဲ့ရာ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ လူ (၂)သိန္းခန္႔ ေသသည္ဟု ကုလသမဂၢႏွင့္ အန္ဂ်ီအိုမ်ားက ခန္႔မွန္းၾကသည္။ နအဖက ၁၃၃၆၅၅ ေယာက္ေသဆံုး ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးေနသည္ဟု ဆိုသည္။ အမည္မေဖာ္လိုသည့္ နအဖအစိုးရ အရာရွိႀကီးတဦးကမူ ေသဆံုးသူ အေရအတြက္ ၆ သိန္းေက်ာ္သည္ဟု တရားမဝင္ ေျပာျပသည္။ ဤသို႔ မုန္တိုင္းႀကီးမ်ား တုိက္ခတ္မႈဒဏ္ခ်က္ကို အျခားဘဝတူ တတိယကမၻာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားႏွင့္ ႏႈိင္းယွဥ္ၾကည့္ေသာအခါ ယခုလို ေတြ႔ရသည္။လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၁၇ ႏွစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ၁၉၉၁ ခုက ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္ ဆိုင္ကလုန္းမုန္တိုင္း (ၾကယ္ ၅ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၆ဝ) တြင္ လူ ၁၃၅ဝဝဝ (တသိန္းသံုးေသာင္းခြဲ) ေသခဲ့့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ၂ဝဝ၇ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလက ဆီဒါဆုိင္ကလုန္း (ၾကယ္ ၅ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၆ဝ)ေၾကာင့္ ဘဂၤလားေဒ့ရွ္တြင္ လူ ၁ဝဝဝဝ (တေသာင္း) ခန္႔သာေသခဲ့သည္။ အိႏၵိယႏိုင္ငံတြင္လည္း ၁၉၉၉ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလက ၾသရစ္သ ဆိုင္ကလုန္းမုန္တိုင္း (ၾကယ္ ၅ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၆ဝ) တိုက္ရာ လူ ၁ဝဝဝဝ (တေသာင္း) ေသခဲ့သည္။ ၂ဝဝ၆ ႏိုဝင္ဘာလက ဒူးရင္းတိုင္ဖြန္းမုန္တိုင္း (ၾကယ္ ၄ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၄ဝ) တိုက္၍ ဖိလစ္ပိုင္ႏွင့္ ဗီယက္နမ္ႏိုင္ငံတို႔တြင္ လူ ၁၅ဝဝ ေသခဲ့သည္။ ၂ဝဝ၄ မတ္လမွာ ဂါဖီလို ဆိုင္ကလုန္းမုန္တိုင္း (ၾကယ္ ၅ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၆ဝ) တုိက္၍ အာဖရိကတိုက္ မာဒါဂါစကာႏိုင္ငံတြင္ လူ ၄ဝဝ နီးပါး ေသခဲ့သည္။လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ၃၈ ႏွစ္ျဖစ္ေသာ ၁၉၇ဝ က အေရွ႕ပါကစၥတန္ ဆိုင္ကလုန္း (ၾကယ္ ၃ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ ၁၁၅ မိုင္) တြင္ လူ ၅ သိန္း ေသခဲ့သည္။ လြန္ခဲ့သည့္ ႏွစ္ ၄ဝ ျဖစ္ေသာ ၁၉၆၈ ခု ေမလက ရခိုင္ျပည္ တျပည္လံုးကို စိစိညက္ညက္ ေၾကသြားေစခဲ့သည့္ ထိုေခတ္က နာမည္ေက်ာ္ ရခိုင္ေလမုန္တိုင္းႀကီး (ၾကယ္ ၄ ပြင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၅ဝ) တြင္ လူ ၁ဝဝဝ ေက်ာ္သာ ေသခဲ့သည္။ လူ ၁၈ဝဝ ေက်ာ္ ေသသျဖင့္ အႀကီးအက်ယ္ နာမည္ပ်က္ သိကၡာက်သြားေသာ အေမရိကန္ႏိုင္ငံ၏ ၂ဝဝ၅ ခုႏွစ္ ၾသဂုတ္လ ကက္ထရီနာ ဟာရီကိန္း မုန္တိုင္းမွာ ၾကယ္ ၅ ပြင့္ အဆင့္ရွိၿပီး တနာရီ ၁၇၅ မိုင္ႏႈန္း တိုက္ခတ္ခဲ့သည္။ဤအခ်က္မ်ားကိုၾကည့္လွ်င္ ၂ဝ ရာစု အကုန္ႏွင့္ ၂၁ ရာစု အစပိုင္း၌ ဆင္းရဲေခတ္ေနာက္က်သည့္ တတိယကမၻာ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ၂ဝ ရာစု အလယ္ပိုင္းႏွင့္ ယွဥ္ပါက ေယဘုယ်အားျဖင့္ ေလမုန္တိုင္းဒဏ္ ခံႏိုင္ရည္ျပင္ဆင္မႈ တိုးတက္လာသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွာ ႁခြင္းခ်က္ျဖစ္ေနသည္။ ၾကယ္ ၄ ပြင့္အဆင့္၊ တနာရီ မိုင္ ၁၂ဝ ဆုိင္ကလုန္းမုန္တိုင္း တခုေၾကာင့္ ပံုမွန္အားျဖင့္ ၂၁ ရာစုဆန္း တတိယကမၻာ ႏိုင္ငံတႏိုင္ငံတြင္ လြန္ေရာကြၽံေရာ လူ ၁ဝဝဝဝ ခန္႔သာ ေသႏိုင္သည္။သို႔ေသာ္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံ စစ္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္၏ ယုတ္ညံ့မႈ၊ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးၾကည့္မႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ကာကြယ္ ကယ္တင္ႏိုင္ရမည့္ အျပစ္မဲ့ ျပည္သူ႔အသက္ေပါင္းမ်ားစြာ မလိုအပ္ဘဲ အလြန္အကြၽံ ဆံုး႐ံႈးခဲ့ရသည္။ မုန္တိုင္းႀကိဳတင္ သတိေပးစနစ္ ညံ့ဖ်င္း (သို႔) မရွိ၊ ႀကိဳတင္ကာကြယ္ေရး အေဆာက္အဦစနစ္ ညံ့ဖ်င္း (သို႔) မရွိ၊ ပညာေပးစနစ္မ်ား ညံ့ဖ်င္း (သို႔) မရွိ။ ဤသို႔ျဖင့္ နအဖႏွင့္ နာဂစ္လက္ေအာက္တြင္ အလြန္ဆံုးအားျဖင့္ ေသဆံုးသူ ၁ဝဝဝဝ (၁ ေသာင္း)မွာ နာဂစ္ေၾကာင့္ျဖစ္ၿပီး၊ ယင္းထက္ပိုလြန္၍ ေသဆံုးသူမ်ားမွာ မေသသင့္ဘဲႏွင့္ နအဖစစ္အုပ္စု ပေယာဂေၾကာင့္ ေသဆံုးရျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္ေတာ့သည္။ ထို႔အျပင္ ႏိုင္ငံတကာ အကူအညီမ်ားႏွင့္ ျပည္တြင္း အကူအညီမ်ားကို ပိတ္ပင္ျခင္း၊ အကန္႔အသတ္ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး ခ်မွတ္ျခင္းတို႔ေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ထပ္ အသက္မ်ား ထပ္မံဆံုး႐ႈံးရျခင္း၊ မလိုအပ္ဘဲ ႐ုပ္ခႏၶာအရႏွင့္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာအရ ဆိုးဆိုးဝါးဝါး ထိခိုက္နစ္နာ ပ်က္စီးျခင္းမ်ားလည္း ႀကီးႀကီးမားမား ရွိေနသည္။ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံအတြင္း အဓမၼလုပ္အားေပးမႈ အပါအဝင္ လူ႔အခြင့္အေရး ဆံုး႐ႈံးရမႈမ်ား၊ စီးပြားေရး အခြင့္အလမ္း ဆံုး႐ႈံးရမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား ၂ သန္း ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံသို႔ တရားမဝင္ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း အလုပ္လုပ္ေနရကာ မေလးရွားႏိုင္ငံတြင္လည္း ၅ သိန္းႏွင့္ ၁ သန္းၾကား ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းလုပ္ကိုင္ေနရသည္။ဤသို႔ တရားမဝင္ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းကူးဝင္လာၾကရာ၌ ၂ဝဝ၈ ဧၿပီ ၉ ရက္က ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ ရေနာင္းမွ ထိုင္းေတာင္ပိုင္းသို႔ ခိုးပို႔သည့္ ကြန္တိန္ကားထဲ ေလမြန္းၿပီး ျမန္မာ ၅၄ ေယာက္ ေသခဲ့ရသည္။ ၂ဝဝ၇ ဒီဇင္ဘာ ၂ဝ ရက္ကလည္း ေကာ့ေသာင္းမွ ရေနာင္းသို႔ ခိုးကူးသည့္ စက္ေလွေမွာက္၍ ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံသား ခ်င္းလူမ်ဳိး ၄၅ ေယာက္ေသခဲ့ရသည္။ ၂ဝဝ၈ မတ္ ၂ ရက္က ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိး ေလွစီးေျပး ဒုကၡသည္ ၅ဝ ပင္လယ္ထဲ ေမ်ာေနသည္ကို သီရိလကၤာေရတပ္က ေတြ႔ရွိကယ္ဆယ္ခဲ့ရသည္။ ႏွစ္ပတ္ၾကာ ေမ်ာေနစဥ္အတြင္း အစာေရစာျပတ္၍ လူ ၂ဝ ေသခဲ့ရသည္။ ၂ဝဝ၈ မတ္ ၈ ရက္ကလည္း ႐ိုဟင္ဂ်ာလူမ်ဳိး ေလွစီးေျပး ဒုကၡသည္ ၁၂ဝ ပါ စက္ေလွတစီး ဘဂၤလားပင္လယ္ေအာ္ထဲ နစ္ျမဳပ္ခဲ့ရာ ၅ ေယာက္သာ အသက္ရွင္ခဲ့သည္။ ၂ဝဝ၇ ဇြန္လက ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ တာ့ခ္ခ႐ုိင္ ဝန္ေက်ာက္တြင္ တရားမဝင္ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမ်ားကို ခိုးပို႔သည့္ ကားေမွာက္၍ ၂၅ ေယာက္ ေသခဲ့ရသည္။ဤလထဲမွာပင္ တာ့က္ခ႐ိုင္အတြင္း ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမားမ်ား ခိုးပို႔သည့္ ကားတိုက္၍ ၁ဝ ေယာက္ ေသေသးသည္။ ၂ဝဝ၆ ေအာက္တိုဘာလတြင္ ထိုင္းႏိုင္ငံ သင္းဘူ ရီေဒသ၌ အလားတူ လူေမွာင္ခိုကား ေမွာက္၍ ၅ ေယာက္ေသကာ ၂၈ ေယာက္ ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့သလို ၂ဝဝ၇ ေအာက္တိုဘာတြင္လည္း ပက္ခ်္ဘူရီအရပ္တြင္ လူေမွာင္ခိုကား ေမွာက္၍ တရားမဝင္ ျမန္မာအလုပ္သမား ၈ ေယာက္ေသကာ ၁၄ ေယာက္ ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့ျပန္သည္။ ၂ဝဝ၈ ဇန္နဝါရီ ၁၅ ရက္တြင္မူ ကန္ခ်နဘူရီေဒသ ေရေလွာင္ကန္ကို ခိုးျဖတ္ေနေသာ လူေမွာင္ခိုေလွ ေမွာက္၍ ကေလးငယ္မ်ား အပါအဝင္ ျမန္မာ ၇ ေယာက္ ေသခဲ့သည္။ ၂ဝဝ၈ ေဖေဖာ္ဝါရီ ၂၇ ရက္တြင္မူ ရေနာင္းမွ ဟတ္ယိုင္သြား လူေမွာင္ခိုကားကို ထိုင္းလံုျခံဳေရးက ပစ္ခတ္၍ ၉ ႏွစ္သား ရခိုင္ကေလး ေမာင္ဦးမင္းစိုးေသၿပီး ၃ ဦး ဒဏ္ရာရခဲ့သည္။နအဖစစ္အစိုးရ လက္ထက္တြင္ ကရင္ျပည္၌ ရြာေပါင္း ၃ဝဝဝ ေက်ာ္ ဖ်က္ဆီးခံရၿပီး ကရင္အရပ္သား ၃ဝဝဝ ေက်ာ္ အသတ္ခံရသည္။ ကရင္ျပည္၊ မြန္ျပည္ႏွင့္ တနသၤာရီေဒသတို႔တြင္ ျပည္သူ ၆ သိန္းေက်ာ္မွာ ျပည္တြင္းအိုးအိမ္မဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္ IDP ျဖစ္ေနၿပီး ရြာပံုး ရြာေရွာင္မ်ားတြင္ ေနရာအတည္တက်မရွိ လွည့္လည္ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္း ေနထိုင္ေနရသည္။ ကရင္ျပည္တြင္ ၁၉၈၈ ႏွင့္ ၂ဝဝ၄ ၾကား၌ အနည္းဆံုး ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသမီး ၁၂၅ ေယာက္ မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခံရသည္။ ကရင္နီျပည္တြင္လည္း ျပည္သူ ၁ သိန္းနီးပါးမွာ အလားတူ အိုးအိမ္မဲ့ဒုကၡသည္ ျဖစ္ေနသည္။ ဤေဒသမ်ားတြင္ ၅ ႏွစ္ေအာက္ကေလး ေသႏႈန္းမွာ ျမန္မာတႏိုင္ငံလံုး ပ်မ္းမွ်ႏႈန္းထက္ ႏွစ္ဆေက်ာ္ေနသည္။ရွမ္းျပည္တြင္မူ ရြာေပါင္း ၂ဝဝဝ ခန္႔ဖ်က္ဆီးခံရၿပီး ရွမ္းျပည္သူ ၂ဝဝဝ ခန္႔ အသတ္ခံရသည္။ ရွမ္း လူထု ၄ သိန္း ျပည္တြင္းအိုးအိမ္မဲ့ ဒုကၡသည္ ျဖစ္ေနသည္။ ၁၉၉၆ ႏွင့္ ၂ဝဝ၁ ၾကား၌ အနည္းဆံုး အမ်ဳိးသမီး ၆၂၅ ေယာက္ မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခံရသည္။ ဤသည္မွာ လက္လွမ္းမွီသေလာက္ ေကာက္ယူရရွိသည့္ စာရင္းသာ ျဖစ္သည္။ တကယ္တမ္းအားျဖင့္ ကရင္ျပည္၊ ကရင္နီျပည္၊ ရွမ္းျပည္တို႔တြင္ မုဒိမ္းက်င့္ခံရသည့္ အမ်ဳိးသမီး အေရအတြက္၊ အသတ္ခံရသည့္ ျပည္သူလူထု အေရအတြက္တုိ႔မွာ အထက္ပါ စာရင္းမ်ားထက္ မ်ားစြာပို သည္။ အိုးအိမ္ အတည္တက်မရွိ ေတာထဲေတာင္ထဲ လွည့္ပတ္ေရွာင္ပုန္း ေနၾကရသျဖင့္ ငွက္ဖ်ား၊ တီဘီ၊ အာဟာရခ်ဳိ႕တဲ့မႈႏွင့္ ေရာဂါဘယ အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးေၾကာင့္ ေထာင္ေသာင္းခ်ီ၍လည္း မေသသင့္ဘဲ ေသေနၾကရသည္။ ကရင္၊ ကရင္နီ၊ မြန္၊ ရွမ္း ျပည္သူလူထု ႏွစ္သိန္းေက်ာ္မွာ ထိုင္းနယ္စပ္သို႔ နယ္စပ္ေက်ာ္ စစ္ေျပးဒုကၡသည္မ်ားအျဖစ္ ေရာက္ရွိေနရသည္။၂ဝဝ၇ စက္တင္ဘာလက သံဃာေတာ္တို႔၏ လႈပ္ရွားမႈကို နအဖစစ္အစိုးရက ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ ၿဖိဳခြင္းခဲ့ရာ ဗုဒၶဘာသာ သံဃာေတာ္ ၁၅ ပါးအပါအဝင္ ဆႏၵျပသမား ၁ဝဝ နီးပါး အသတ္ခံခဲ့ရသည္။ ၁၉၈၈ ခုေနာက္ပိုင္း ျမန္မာႏိုင္ငံမွ အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မ်ားအတြင္း၌လည္း ႏိုင္ငံေရးအက်ဥ္းသား ၁၅ဝ နီးပါး ေသဆံုး ခဲ့ၿပီျဖစ္သည္။ ေထာင္ႏွင့္ေသာင္းႏွင့္ ခ်ီေသာ သာမန္ရာဇဝတ္ အက်ဥ္းသားမ်ားလည္း အက်ဥ္းေထာင္မ်ား၊ ရဲဘက္စခန္းမ်ား၊ ေရွ႕တန္းစစ္ေျမျပင္မ်ား၌ ေသဆံုးခဲ့ၾက၊ ေသဆံုးေနၾကသည္။စင္စစ္အားျဖင့္ နအဖစစ္အာဏာရွင္တို႔၏ ေပၚလစီမ်ား၊ လုပ္ရပ္မ်ား၊ ေတြးေခၚစဥ္းစားမႈမ်ားမွာ ညံ့ဖ်င္းျခင္း၊ မွားယြင္းေနျခင္းမွ် မဟုတ္ေပ။ ဆရာျမသန္းတင့္ ေျပာဖူးသည့္ ဆိုးယုတ္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ Evil ျဖစ္သည္။ ဟစ္တလာ အပါအဝင္ ကမၻာေပၚမွ အဆိုးဆံုး အာဏာရွင္မ်ားႏွင့္ ထပ္တူထပ္မွ် ျဖစ္သည္။ သံဃာကိုပင္ ေျဗာင္အတိအလင္း သတ္ရဲေသာ ဗမာျပည္အာဏာရွင္တို႔အတြက္ မလုပ္ႏိုင္စရာ ဆိုးယုတ္မႈဟူသည္ ဘာမွမရွိ။ကေမၻာဒီးယားႏိုင္ငံတြင္ ခမာနီအစိုးရလက္ထက္ ၁၉၇၅ မွ ၁၉၇၉ အထိ ေလးႏွစ္အတြင္း ျပည္သူ ၂ သန္း ေသခဲ့ရာ လူငါးေသာင္းမွ ရွစ္ေသာင္းမွာ အသတ္ခံရျခင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး က်န္တသန္းေက်ာ္မွာ ခမာနီအစိုးရ ေပၚလစီမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ငတ္ျပတ္ဖ်ားနာ ပင္ပန္းဆင္းရဲ၍ ေသၾကရျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ အေရွ႕တီေမာ ႏိုင္ငံတြင္လည္း အင္ဒိုနီးရွားႏိုင္ငံက ၁၉၇၅ မွ ၁၉၉၉ အထိ တိေမာသား ၂ ေသာင္းကို သတ္ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အင္ဒို နီးရွား အစိုးရေၾကာင့္ ျဖစ္ရသည့္ ငတ္ျပတ္ပင္ပန္းမႈႏွင့္ ေရာဂါဘယမ်ားေၾကာင့္ ေနာက္ထပ္ တိေမာသား ၉ ေသာင္းေသခဲ့သည္။အီရတ္အာဏာရွင္ ဆဒၵန္ဟူစိန္က ၁၉၈၈ ခုႏွစ္တြင္ ကာ့ဒ္တုိင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိး ၅ ေသာင္းကို ဓာတုလက္နက္ျဖင့္ လူမ်ဳိးတံုး စစ္ဆင္ေရး လုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ရဝမ္ဒါႏိုင္ငံ၌ အာဏာရွင္အစိုးရႏွင့္ လက္ပါးေစတို႔က ၁၉၉၄ ဧၿပီလမွ ဇူလိုင္လအထိ ရက္ေပါင္း ၁ဝဝ အတြင္း လူ ၈ဝဝဝဝဝ (ရွစ္သိန္း)ကို သတ္ပစ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၉၂-၉၅ မွာ ဆားဘီးယားႏွင့္ ၾသဇာခံ ေဘာ့စ္နီးယား ခြဲထြက္ဆာ့ဘ္တို႔က ေဘာ့စ္နီးယား - ဟာဇီဂိုဗီးနား တြင္ မြတ္ဆလင္မ်ားအေပၚ လူမ်ဳိးတံုး စစ္ဆင္ေရး လုပ္ခဲ့သည္။ ၁၉၉၅ ဇူလိုင္လက ဆဘရင္နီကာၿမိဳ႕တြင္ ေဘာ့စ္နီးယား အရပ္သား ၈ဝဝဝ ကို ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီး မလာဒစ္ ဦးစီးေသာ ဆားဘီးယားတပ္က သတ္ပစ္ခဲ့သည္။ လူမ်ဳိးတံုးသတ္ပြဲမ်ား အဓိက က်ဴးလြန္သည့္ ဆာ့ဘ္လက္မရြံ႕တပ္ဖြဲ႔ အမည္မွာ စေကာ္ပီယံ ဟူ၏။ဒုတိယကမၻာစစ္အတြင္း နာဇီဂ်ာမဏီႏိုင္ငံက ဂ်ဴးလူမ်ဳိး ၆ သန္း၊ ဆိုဗီယက္ျပည္သူ ၂၅ သန္းႏွင့္ ေသာင္းႏွင့္ခ်ီေသာ ဥေရာပျပည္သူမ်ားကို ေသေစခဲ့သည္။ အေတာ္မ်ားမ်ားမွာ ငတ္ျပတ္မႈဒဏ္၊ ေရာဂါဘယဒဏ္တို႔ျဖင့္ အသက္ဆံုးရျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ စစ္ႀကီးအၿပီး၌ ဂ်ာမန္ဖက္ဆစ္ ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ားအား ႏ်ဴရင္ဘတ္ စစ္ခံု႐ံုးမွာ ခံု႐ံုးတင္စစ္ေဆး အျပစ္ေပးခဲ့သည္။ ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ (လူမ်ဳိးတံုး သုတ္သင္မႈ) ဆိုေသာ အယူအဆသည္ ဥပေဒပိုင္းအရ ထိုအခ်ိန္မွ အစျပဳခဲ့ၿပီးေနာက္ ကုလသမဂၢက ၁၉၄၈ ခုတြင္ ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ ကြန္ဗင္းရွင္း စာခ်ဳပ္ကို အေသအခ်ာ ေရးဆြဲျပ႒ာန္းခဲ့ရာ ၁၉၅၁ ခုမွာ စတင္အသက္ဝင္ခဲ့ၿပီး ယခုအခါ ျမန္မာအပါအဝင္ ကမၻာ့ႏိုင္ငံ ၁၃ဝ ေက်ာ္က လက္ခံအတည္ျပဳထားသည္။ ဤသေဘာတူစာခ်ဳပ္ ပုဒ္မ ၂ တြင္ ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ကို ယခုလို အဓိပၸာယ္ဖြင့္ထားသည္။“ႏိုင္ငံလံုးဆိုင္ရာ လူအုပ္စု သို႔မဟုတ္ တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ဳိးဆုိင္ရာ လူအုပ္စု သို႔မဟုတ္ ဘာသာေရးဆုိင္ရာ လူအုပ္စုတခုကို တခုလံုးေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ တစိတ္တပိုင္းေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ ေအာက္ပါလုပ္ရပ္မ်ားကို က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္း။(က) ယင္းလူအုပ္စု အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားကို သတ္ျဖတ္ျခင္း၊(ခ) ယင္းလူအုပ္စု အဖြဲ႔ဝင္မ်ားကို ႐ုပ္ခႏၶာပိုင္းအရ ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း၊ စိတ္ပိုင္းအရ ေသာ္လည္းေကာင္း ဆိုးဆိုးဝါးဝါး ထိခိုက္နစ္နာေစျခင္း၊(ဂ) တခုလံုးအရ သို႔မဟုတ္ တစိတ္တပိုင္းအရ ႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ပ်က္စီးမႈျဖစ္ေစရန္ အေသအခ်ာ စီစဥ္ထားသည့္ ဘဝအေျခအေနမ်ားကို ယင္းလူအုပ္စုအေပၚ၌ သက္ေရာက္ေစျခင္း၊(ဃ) ယင္းလူအုပ္စုအတြင္း ကေလးေမြးဖြားမႈမ်ားကို တားျမစ္ရန္ ရည္ရြယ္သည့္ အစီအမံမ်ား ခ်မွတ္ျခင္း၊ (င) ယင္းလူအုပ္စုမွ ကေလးသူငယ္မ်ားကို အျခားလူစုသို႔ အတင္းအဓမၼ ေရႊ႕ေျပာင္းပစ္ျခင္း။”၁၉၉၄ ခု ရဝမ္ဒါႏိုင္ငံဆိုင္ရာ အျပည္ျပည္ဆိုင္ရာ ခံု႐ံုးက ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ကို ယခုလို ထပ္မံခ်ဲ႕ထြင္၍ အဓိပၸာယ္ ဖြင့္ဆိုခဲ့သည္။“လူအုပ္စုတခုကို မေသ႐ံုတမယ္ မဝေရစာ ေကြၽးထားျခင္း၊ ေနအိမ္မ်ားမွ စနစ္တက် ေမာင္းထုတ္ျခင္း၊ က်န္းမာေရး ေစာင့္ေရွာက္မႈကို အနိမ့္ဆံုး လိုအပ္ခ်က္ထက္ ႏွိမ့္ခ်ပစ္ျခင္း။... ယင္းလူအုပ္စုကို တခုလံုးအရ သို႔မဟုတ္ တစိတ္တပိုင္းအရ ဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္ရန္ အထူးရည္ရြယ္ခ်က္ျဖင့္ မုဒိမ္းမႈ၊ လိင္ကိစၥ အၾကမ္းဖက္မႈ က်ဴးလြန္ျခင္း။”ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ အဓိပၸာယ္ဖြင့္ဆိုခ်က္ အပိုဒ္ခြဲ (ခ) မွာ မႏုႆေဗဒ ပညာရွင္ ကဗ်ာဆရာ ေဖသက္နီ ေျပာခဲ့ဖူးသည့္ မဲန္တယ္လ္ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ ေခၚ စိတ္ဓာတ္ေရးရာ ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ကို ဆိုလိုျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္သူ ျပည္သားမ်ား၏ စိတ္ဓာတ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ ခံယူခ်က္မ်ား၊ က်င့္ဝတ္တန္ဖိုးမ်ား၊ စာရိတၱ စာရဏတရားမ်ားကို ဖ်က္ဆီးပစ္ျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ နအဖလက္ထက္တြင္ ကိုယ္က်ဳိးၾကည့္ အက်င့္ပ်က္မႈမ်ား ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္အဝွမ္း ထိန္းမႏိုင္ သိမ္းမရ ႐ုပ္ပ်က္ဆင္းပ်က္ ႀကီးထြားေနသည္။ သာမန္ျပည္သူထဲမွ ျဖစ္လာေသာ ရယက၊ ၾကံ့ဖြတ္၊ စြမ္းအားရွင္၊ မီးသတ္တို႔သည္ စစ္အာဏာရွင္တို႔ထံမွ အ႐ိုးအရင္းေလး ရဖို႔အတြက္ ဇာတ္တူသားျဖစ္ေသာ ျပည္သူလူထုကို ရက္ရက္စက္စက္ စားကုန္ၾကသည္။ ဤသို႔ စာရိတၱ စာရဏ ပ်က္ျပားမႈမ်ား တႏိုင္ငံလံုး လႊမ္းမိုးႀကီးစိုးေနရာ နယ္စပ္ေက်ာ္လြန္၍ ဒုကၡသည္စခန္းမ်ား၊ အတုိက္အခံ အဖြဲ႔မ်ားထဲမွာပင္ ရင္ေမာတုန္လႈပ္ဖြယ္ လႈိက္စားေနသည္။ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္သည္ လူသားမ်ဳိးႏြယ္ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရး ရာဇဝတ္မႈမ်ား၏ အစိတ္အပိုင္းျဖစ္ၿပီး စစ္ကာလ အတြက္သာမက စစ္မျဖစ္သည့္ ကာလအတြက္လည္း အက်ဳံးဝင္သည္။ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ က်ဴးလြန္သည့္ အာဏာရွင္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ လူ႔အသက္ကို တန္ဖိုးမထားသည့္ သေဘာထား ဓေလ့ထံုးတမ္းမ်ား ပ်ံ႕ႏွံ႔ေနၿပီး အာဏာရွင္ ဘက္ေတာ္သားတို႔က က်န္ႏိုင္ငံသားတို႔အား ဘာသာကြဲ ဒိ႒ိမ်ား၊ အ႐ိုင္းအစိုင္းမ်ား၊ သ႐ုပ္ပ်က္မ်ား၊ ဥပေဒေဘာင္ ျပင္ပကလူမ်ား၊ ေအာက္တန္းစား လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၊ ခြဲထြက္ေရး သမားမ်ား၊ ေသာင္းက်န္းသူ အဖ်က္သမားမ်ား၊ မင္းမဲ့ဝါဒီမ်ား၊ အၾကမ္းဖက္သမားမ်ား၊ နယ္ခ်ဲ႕ လက္ပါးေစမ်ား၊ ပုဆိန္႐ိုးမ်ား၊ လူတန္းစား ရန္သူမ်ား၊ တန္ျပန္ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားမ်ား စသျဖင့္ တံဆိပ္အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိး သမုတ္ၿပီး ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ဒ္ကို က်ဴးလြန္ၾကျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ကိုယ့္အတြက္ကိုမူ ျမင့္ျမတ္ေသာ တာဝန္ ထမ္းေဆာင္ေနသူမ်ား၊ ျမင့္ျမတ္ေသာ လူမ်ဳိးမ်ား၊ အမ်ဳိးဘာသာသာသနာ သန္႔ရွင္းတည္တံ့ေရးကို ေစာင့္ထိန္းသူမ်ား၊ အသိအျမင္ ျပည့္ဝရင့္က်က္သူမ်ား၊ တိုင္းျပည္ကို အဓိက ေစာင့္ေရွာက္ေနရသူမ်ား၊ ႏိုင္ငံအတြက္ အဓိက အနစ္နာခံေနသူမ်ား၊ အမ်ဳိးသားႏိုင္ငံေရးသမားမ်ား၊ စစ္မွန္သည့္ ေတာ္လွန္ေရးသမားမ်ား စသည္ျဖင့္ မိမိတို႔ ကိုယ္မိမိ သတ္မွတ္ၾကသည္။ အထူးသျဖင့္ ျပည္သူ၊ ႏိုင္ငံေတာ္၊ အခ်ဳပ္အျခာအာဏာ၊ အမ်ဳိးသား၊ မ်ဳိးခ်စ္၊ ဝံသာႏု၊ စည္းလံုးညီၫြတ္ေရးဟူေသာ စကားလံုးမ်ားကို ဆိုင္ဆိုင္ မဆိုင္ဆိုင္ ေရလဲႏွင့္ သံုးေလ့ရွိသည္။ဂ်ာမန္ဆိုရွယ္ဒီမိုကရက္တစ္ပါတီႏွင့္ ဂ်ာမန္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီတို႔က နာဇီအာဏာရွင္အစိုးရကို အၾကမ္းမဖက္ေရးနည္း၊ လက္နက္ကိုင္ပုန္ကန္နည္း၊ လွ်ဳိ႕ဝွက္လုပ္ၾကံသတ္ျဖတ္နည္း စသည့္နည္းမ်ဳိးစံုျဖင့္ ဆန္႔က်င္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ၁၉၄၄ ခုတြင္ ဒီမိုကေရစီလိုလားသူ ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္မ်ားဦးစီး၍ ဂ်ာမန္စစ္တပ္က ဟစ္တလာကို ဗံုးခြဲလုပ္ၾကံ အာဏာသိမ္းရန္ အထိပင္ စီစဥ္ခဲ့သည္။ မေအာင္ျမင္ခဲ့။ ေနာင္တြင္ ဘူလ္ေဂးရီးယား သမၼတ ျဖစ္လာမည့္ ဂ်ာမန္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဒီမီထေရာ့ဗ္ (႐ိုက္ခ်္စတက္လႊတ္ေတာ္ မီး႐ႈိ႕မႈျဖင့္ အမႈဆင္ အဖမ္းခံရၿပီးေနာက္ တရားခြင္၌ ကမၻာေက်ာ္ေလွ်ာက္လဲခ်က္ ေပးခဲ့သူ)သည္ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပီပီ ျပည္တြင္းမွ ျပည္သူ႔အင္အားကို အဓိကထားၿပီး နာဇီအာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ျဖဳတ္ခ်ေရး အယူအဆကို ရပ္တည္ခဲ့သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ေနာက္ပိုင္းတြင္ အေမရိကန္-အဂၤလိပ္- ႐ုရွား မဟာမိတ္ စစ္အင္အားျဖင့္ ဂ်ာမန္အာဏာရွင္စနစ္ ျဖဳတ္ခ်ေရးကို တက္ႂကြစြာ လႈပ္ရွား အက်ဳိးေဆာင္ေပးသူ ျဖစ္သြားသည္။ အီတလီ ဖက္ဆစ္အာဏာရွင္တို႔ကို လည္း အီတလီ ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီ၊ အီတလီ ဆိုရွယ္လစ္ပါတီ၊ အက္ရွင္ပါတီ၊ ခရစ္ယာန္ ဒီမိုကရက္ပါတီ စသည္တို႔က လက္နက္ကိုင္တုိက္ပြဲ အပါအဝင္ သ႑ာန္အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးျဖင့္ ဆန္႔က်င္အံတုခဲ့ၾကသည္။ အလားတူ ဂ်ပန္ဖက္ဆစ္တို႔ကိုလည္း ဂ်ပန္ကြန္ျမဴနစ္ပါတီႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီအင္အားစုမ်ားက လွ်ဳိ႕ဝွက္အံတုခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္လည္း ေနာက္ဆံုးတြင္ အေမရိကန္၊ ၿဗိတိန္၊ ဆိုဗီယက္ျပည္ေထာင္စုတို႔မွ (အဏုျမဴဗံုး အပါအဝင္) စစ္ေရးနည္းလမ္းျဖင့္သာ ဂ်ာမန္၊ အီတလီ၊ ဂ်ပန္ ဖက္ဆစ္အာဏာရွင္တို႔ကို ဇီဝိန္ေႁခြပစ္ႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္။သည္ဘက္ေခတ္တြင္လည္း ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ က်ဴးလြန္သည့္ အဆိုးဆံုး အာဏာရွင္တို႔ကို ျပင္ပမွ အင္အား သံုးသည့္နည္းျဖင့္သာ နိဂံုးခ်ဳပ္ေစႏိုင္ခဲ့သည္ကို ေတြ႔ရသည္။ ကေမၻာဒီးယား၊ ရဝမ္ဒါ၊ အေရွ႕တိေမာ၊ ေဘာ့စ္နီးယား- ဟာဇီဂိုဗီးနား၊ ကိုဆိုဗို၊ လိုင္ေဘးရီးယား၊ ဆီယာရာလီယြန္း၊ ေဟတီ၊ ပနားမား၊ အီရတ္၊ အာဖဂန္နစၥတန္ စသည့္ ဥပမာမ်ား အထင္အရွားရွိေနသည္။ မည္သူမွ် ျငင္းမရႏိုင္သည့္ သက္ေသ သာဓကမ်ားျဖစ္သည္။ (ေနာက္ဆက္တြဲ ျပႆနာမ်ားတြင္သာ ျငင္းစရာမ်ား ေပၚတတ္သည္။ သို႔ရာတြင္ နဂိုမူလ အာဏာရွင္ ျပႆနာေလာက္ မႀကီးေတာ့သည္မွာ ေသခ်ာသည္။)မည္သို႔ပင္ျဖစ္ေစ ျပည္တြင္းမွ အာဏာရွင္ ဆန္႔က်င္ေရးသမား အတိုက္အခံမ်ား၊ ျပည္သူမ်ား၏ လႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ားကိုမူ လံုးဝပစ္ပယ္၍ မရ။ ဤျပည္တြင္းလႈပ္ရွားမႈမ်ား ရွိမွသာ ျပည္ပမွ အင္အားသံုး စြက္ဖက္မႈအတြက္ လမ္းခင္းလမ္းျပရာ ေရာက္မည္ျဖစ္သည္။ ကေမၻာဒီးယားမွ ခမာနီခြဲထြက္ သူပုန္ေခါင္းေဆာင္မ်ား ျဖစ္ေသာ ဟင္ဆာရင္ႏွင့္ ဟြန္ဆင္၊ ဘုရင့္ဂိုဏ္း သူပုန္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ မင္းသားႀကီး သီဟာႏု၊ ရဝမ္ဒါမ်ဳိးခ်စ္တပ္ဦး သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ေပါလ္ကာဂါမီ၊ အေရွ႕တိေမာမွ ဖရီတီလင္ သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဂတ္စ္မာအိုႏွင့္ ဟိုေဆးရားမို႔စ္ဟိုတာ၊ ေဘာ့စ္နီးယားမွ ေရြးေကာက္ခံသမၼတ အလီယာ အီဇက္ဘီဂိုဗစ္ခ်္၊ ကိုဆိုဗို လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဟာရွင္သက္ဆီႏွင့္ အဂင္ခ်ီကူး၊ လိုင္ေဘးရီးယား ညီၫြတ္ေရး ျပန္လည္သင့္ျမတ္ေရးႏွင့္ ဒီမိုကေရစီေရး သူပုန္အဖြဲ႔ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ဆီကူကြန္နယ္ႏွင့္ ေသာမတ္နင္မလီ၊ ဆီယာရာလီယြန္းမွ ေရြးေကာက္ခံသမၼတ ကက္ဘာ၊ ေဟတီမွ ေရြးေကာက္ခံသမၼတ ဘုန္းေတာ္ႀကီး အာရစၥတိဒ္၊ အာဖဂန္နစၥတန္မွ သူပုန္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ ရွားမာဆြဒ္ စသူတို႔ ရွိ၍သာ ျပင္ပမွ အင္အားသံုး ဝင္ေရာက္ႏိုင္ျခင ျဖစ္သည္။ ႁခြင္းခ်က္အားျဖင့္ အခ်ဳိ႕အာဏာရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေျမာက္ တူးေျမာင္း၊ မဟာဗ်ဴဟာေျမာက္ ေရနံစသည့္ ထူးျခားခ်က္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ ျပင္ပမွ အင္အားသံုး ဝင္ေရာက္ျခင္းလည္း ရွိသည္။ထူးျခားခ်က္မွာ အာဏာရွင္ကို ျပည္တြင္းအင္အားစုမ်ားက လက္နက္ကိုင္ အၾကမ္းပတမ္းနည္း ျဖင့္ အံုးအံုးၿခိမ့္ၿခိမ့္ တံု႔ျပန္ရင္ဆိုင္ ပြက္ေလာ႐ိုက္ေနေသာ high-intensity conflict ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားတြင္ ျပည္ပမွ အင္အားသံုးဝင္ေရာက္မႈ ပိုလုပ္ေလ့ရွိသည္။ ျမန္ျမန္ပြဲျပတ္ေလ့ ရွိသည္ကို ေတြ႔ရသည္။ ျပည္တြင္းလႈပ္ရွားမႈ လံုးဝမရွိ (သို႔မဟုတ္) မျပင္းထန္သည့္ low- intensity conflict အာဏာရွင္ႏိုင္ငံကို ျပင္ပမွ အင္အားသံုး စြက္ဖက္ ပြဲသိမ္းေပးျခင္း ျပဳေလ့မရွိ။ အထူးသျဖင့္ အၾကမ္းမဖက္ ၿငိမ္းခ်မ္းစြာ အံတုသည့္ နည္းလမ္းမ်ားကို လည္းေကာင္း၊ ဒိုင္ယာေလာ့ကို မဟာဗ်ဴဟာအျဖစ္လည္းေကာင္း စြဲစြဲျမဲျမဲ က်င့္သံုးေနသည့္ အာဏာရွင္ ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားကို ျပင္ပမွ အင္အားသံုး စြက္ဖက္ျခင္း မရွိေပ။ သို႔ရာတြင္ တဖက္မွၾကည့္ပါက ယင္းကဲ့သို႔ အာဏာရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားမွာ ၾကယ္ ၂ ပြင့္ ၾကယ္ ၃ ပြင့္အဆင့္ အာဏာရွင္ႏိုင္ငံမ်ားေလာက္သာ ျဖစ္တတ္ၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းအင္အား သက္သက္ျဖင့္ အာဏာရွင္စနစ္မွ ဒီမိုကေရစီသို႔ ကူးေျပာင္းႏိုင္စြမ္းရွိၾကသည္။သို႔ျဖစ္၍ ကမၻာေပၚမွ အာဏာရွင္မ်ားအနက္ ဆိုးယုတ္မႈအဆင့္ ၾကယ္ ၄ ပြင့္ ၾကယ္ ၅ ပြင့္အထိ ေရာက္သြားသည့္ ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္ အာဏာရွင္မ်ားကို ျပင္ပမွ စစ္ကူအင္အားမ်ားကသာ ပြဲသိမ္းေပးႏိုင္ေၾကာင္း ေလ့လာေတြ႔ရွိရၿပီး ျပည္တြင္းအင္အားစုမ်ားက အာဏာရွင္ကို ၿခိမ့္ၿခိမ့္သဲသဲ ျပင္းျပင္းထန္ထန္ တန္ျပန္တိုက္ပြဲဝင္ေလ၊ ျပည္ပမွစစ္အင္အားမ်ား အျမန္ဆံုး ဝင္ေရာက္ကူညီႏိုင္ေရးကို လႈံ႔ေဆာ္အားေပးရာ ေရာက္ေလျဖစ္သည္။ ဤနည္းျဖင့္သာ ဂ်ီႏိုဆိုက္အာဏာရွင္ကို force out လုပ္ႏိုင္မည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ျပည္တြင္းအင္အားစုမ်ားက မည္သည့္တိုက္ပြဲမွ ဆူပြက္လႈပ္ရွားမေနဘဲ ပါးစပ္မွ ထုိင္ေအာ္ေန႐ံုမွ်ျဖင့္ မည္သည့္ႏိုင္ငံျခား စစ္တပ္မွ ဝင္တိုက္ေပးလိမ့္မည္ မဟုတ္ပါေၾကာင္း။

Trafficking of Men in Thailand

2008-12-15T00:11:00.000-08:00

Trafficking of Men in Thailand
May 17, 2007
The fight against human trafficking has for more than a decade tried to protect women and children, often forgetting that men, too, are victims of "new slavery". Thailand remains one of the region's busiest human-trafficking centres.
The National Human Rights Commission reports that between 17 and 19 July 2003, six fishing trawlers with about 100 crew sailed from Tha Chalom in Samut Sakhon province to fish Indonesian territorial waters. Most of the crew were migrant workers and four were younger than 16. None were allowed home for three years. The trawlers returned to Thailand in July last year. However, thirty-eight never returned – dying on the job. Two were buried on one of Indonesia's myriad islands and the rest unceremoniously dumped at sea. One more crewmember died shortly upon his return. Others returned home seriously ill - emaciated, emotionally disturbed and unable to see, hear or walk properly.
A Samut Sakhon Hospital medical report diagnosed the men with serious vitamin deficiencies. They had suffered months without proper food or water, eating only fish. None have been paid. Yet, they are not considered by law to be victims of human trafficking.
When they demanded compensation their "employers" claimed the men were unknown and said crew employment was the responsibility of trawler skippers. The boat owners refuse to pay until the men can prove they were aboard. Complicating the issue is the registration of the men under Thai names. They are all Burmese, Mon and Karen migrant workers. In addition, they discovered the labour law in Thailand does not cover fishermen working outside Thai territory for more than a year.
But, a new memorandum of understanding on Common Guidelines for Concerned Agencies Engaged in Human Trafficking and the Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking Bill are rays of hope. Men are covered by both documents. The memorandum was signed last week and broadens the scope of a similar 2003 document. The 2003 memorandum only included "children and women" in its target groups, but concerned agencies in 17 northern provinces have signed the new draft and expanded the scope to include protection of men. The memorandum will bring Thailand and its Social Development and Human Security Ministry up to world standards of protection.
The Prevention and Suppression of Human Trafficking Bill is before the National Legislative Assembly. Trafficking goes beyond the sex industry and child labour and many cases involve men, Sub-Committee on Coordination for Combating Trafficking in Children and Women chairperson Saisuree Chutikul said. Therefore, "[In the draft] we changed the wording from "women and children" to "human trafficking" because we found trafficking involves male victims," Saisuree, one of the world's leading voices in the fight against the trade in people, said.

Migrant Workers in Thailand2002

2008-12-15T00:10:00.000-08:00

2002 Timeline of Events for Burmese Migrants in Thailand
January
l On 2 January, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai reported plans for Thailand and Burma to establish a task force aimed at repatriating illegal workers back to Burma. The task force scheduled a meeting at the end of February or in early March to decide what should be done about the approximately 100,000 Burmese workers who had not yet registered with Thai authorities. In the meantime, some of the workers would continue to be held in a holding centre on Burma’s side of the border in Myawaddy, across the border from Thailand’s Tak province. The Thai Foreign Minister reported that both countries would be responsible for managing repatriation of illegal workers. Paisarn Preutiporn, secretary-general of the Office of the Administrative Commission on Irregular Immigrant Workers, noted that the Thai government plans to ask the SPDC to arrange two more sites in addition to Myawaddy: Phaya Thongsu town opposite Kanchanaburi, and Kawthaung (Victoria Point) opposite Ranong, to process illegal migrant being repatriated. The secretary-general also stated that immigrant workers found to be suffering from tuberculosis, leprosy, elephantiasis, syphilis, alcoholism or mental illness will not have their work permits renewed. (Source: News Summary/ Burma Issues)
l On 26 January the bodies of 14 Karen migrant workers were found with their throats cut near the border with Burma in Mae Ramat district, Tak province. The bodies of seven men and seven women aged 14-45 were found floating near the banks of Huay Mae Lamao stream in tambon Mae Jarao. An autopsy found they were murdered more than 10 days ago, some from stab wounds to the body. The killer cut their throats later. On 28th January two more bodies were found, and Thai police the next day reported that the death toll had risen to 20 after four more bodies were pulled from the Moei river blindfolded with their hands and feet bound, their throats cut and beyond recognition. Police stated that they suspected the murders were connected to either conflicts in the drug trade or human smuggling. However, Thongmuan Sitthikaew, head of Wang Pha village in the district, said the recent victims were illegal workers. He believed they might have been killed by a local employer who did not want to pay them wages. (News Summary/Burma Issues)
February
l On 1 February following a visit to Rangoon, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai, reported that the SPDC requested that Thailand submit a list of illegal migrant workers to be sent back to Burma so their nationality can be verified. As part of this list, the SPDC stated that they wanted Thailand to record migrants’ names and home addresses in Burma, and also submit the workers’ photos and identity cards for verification by Burmese authorities. The ministry’s permanent secretary, Tej Bunnag said that [regarding repatriated migrants] "If all of them hold Burmese nationality, they should have house registration documents. But if they are ethnic minorities, they will be investigated and reports will be sent to Burma." Mr. Tej also stated that Burmese officials had been instructed not to subject returnees to punishment for having left Burma illegally. (Source: "Rangoon to verify status of migrants," Feb 9. Bangkok Post/Burma Issues)
l At the beginning of February, Police announced that they will launch a four-month campaign, to crack down on illegal foreign labourers in big cities. The campaign will run from February 10 to June 10 in nine provinces: Tak, Ranong, Phuket, Samut Sakhon, Bangkok, Chiang Rai, Chiang Mai, Samut Prakan and Sa Kaeo. Paisal Pruthiporn, head of the labour ministry’s office of alien workers, said illegal migrant workers who are arrested face a maximum jail term of three months and a maximum fine of 5,000 baht ($113.60) followed by deportation. Employers found hiring illegal workers also face a maximum penalty of three years in jail and a 60,000-baht fine. (News Summary/Burma Issues)
l On 9 February more than 200 Burmese illegal workers were arrested in Mae Sot, Tak Province at the start of a three-month long crackdown against illegal workers. The arrested workers were sent back to Myawaddy the next morning and were detained in the newly built detention center near the Friendship Bridge in Myawaddy. (Source: Network Media Group)
l On 11 February, Thai army commander, Lt-Gen Udomchai Ongkhasing, shut border checkpoints in Mae Sot and Mae Ramat districts while inquiries continued into the unexplained deaths of 20 people whose bodies were found in a stream the previous week. Crossings at Wang Kaew and Mae Kit Mai villages in Mae Sot district and Wang Pha village in Mae Ramat district were temporarily closed. News sources reported that a major investigation had been set up into the murders, involving hundreds of police from Mae Sot, Mae Ramat and Tha Song Yang districts and border patrol police from the 345th and 346th companies. Reportedly, both the Thai military and Burmese authorities in Myawaddy were co-operating in the investigation. (Source: "Thailand shuts Myanmar crossing in murder probe," Feb 11. Reuters/Burma Issues)
l On 20 February, Five workers from a lead melting factory in Mae Sot, were fired and many other workers were arrested by police, following an argument between the workers and their employer. The argument allegedly began when the workers asked for their salaries. One worker from the factory explained the cause of the workers’ complaints: "some workers are working with monthly salary of 600-700 while others get 1200 baht. They were not paid for 7 months and the owner owed them 5000 to 8000 baht each. The problem started when the owner paid them only 100 baht although they asked for 500 baht each for general expenses. The majority of workers are ethnic Karen and Pa-O nationals and they had to handle lead without any protection resulting in skin diseases and stomach ulcers." (Source: "Burmese workers expelled from work for asking their salaries," Feb 20. Network Media Group/Burma Issues)
l On 20 February one hundred workers were sent back to Myawaddy from Thailand, amongst them was a migrant from Pegu who was found to be infected with HIV and was refused permission to return to his home. According to a source in Myawaddy the man was detained there by the military regime. The other workers, including 64 men and 35 women, were sent on to Pa-an that same night at 8:00 PM in two trucks. What happened to these workers when they reached Pa-an is not yet known. A multi-departmental investigation team, lead by Major Ye Kyaw Thu under supervision of the Ministry of Social Welfare, Relief and Resettlement, checked and interrogated all the workers when they reached Myawaddy. The check up and interrogation included an interview, personal data recording, a photo and medical check up, including a blood test. The SPDC officials have not made clear what action they plan to take against the worker who tested positive for HIV. (Source: "Migrant worker with HIV not allowed back home", February 22, Network Media Group/Burma Issues)
l On 26 February Thai police arrested over 500 illegal foreign workers in Tak province. It was reported that most of the illegal workers came from Burma. They were arrested when the police inspected local firms and factories in the province along the Thai-Burma border. Many of the arrested workers were found to be infected with malaria and other infectious diseases. The crackdown followed the closure of the official nation-wide registration of illegal alien workers from Burma, Laos, and Cambodia late last year. Police said illegal alien workers who failed to turn out for this registration as legal workers would be sternly cracked down upon. Their employers would also be fined and would be responsible for deportation costs of the illegal workers. (Source: "Thai police arrest 500 Illegal Alien Workers", February 26, Xinhuanet/Burma Issues)
March
l On 5 March police discovered the bodies of 13 migrant workers from Burma in sandbags in a deserted quarry near the Thai-Cambodian border. Police reported that it appeared that the victims had been murdered at another site and then brought to the quarry by truck. Some of the bodies of the five male and eight female victims had broken necks. Several bodies carried Burmese identification cards or border passes for entering Thailand via Mae Sot on the Thai-Burma border on March 2. Autopsies have found that the 13 died from suffocation after they were covered in vegetables and rice to escape detection from border patrols. Police have apprehended two suspects and are looking for four more believed to be involved in this case. The arrested are believed to be part of an illegal people smuggling ring. (Source: News Summary/Burma Issues)
l On 25 March the one month worker registration period ended. During this registration more than 200,000 of the 500,000 registered alien workers failed to have their six-month work permits renewed. Supat Kukhun, deputy secretary-general of the alien labour management office, said the number of alien workers who reported for work permit renewals between Feb 24-March 25 was only around 350,000. (Source:"200,000 fail to renew their work permits", March 26, Bangkok Post/Burma Issues)
April
l On 9 April it was reported that Burma and Thailand had agreed on a plan to repatriate more than 500,000 Burmese illegal immigrants in Thailand. As part of the deal, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai told the BBC, the Burmese workers will be screened for HIV. Mr. Surakiart said those workers who were diagnosed as HIV positive would be separated from the other illegal immigrants and would be treated as part of a special repatriation scheme. (Source: "Burmese migrants face HIV test", April 9, BBC/Burma Issues)
May
l On 4 May a Thai official reported that more than 700 workers from Burma suffering from communicable diseases including HIV will be deported soon back to Burma. The workers were identified during medical checkups, which are mandatory for foreign workers at the time of renewal of their work permits, Dr. Winai Withoonkija, permanent secretary of the Public Health Ministry, told reporters. He said 737 Burma workers among the 40,000 tested during the last two months would be deported. (Source:"Thailand to deport 737 Myanmar workers because of disease", May 4, Associated Press/Burma Issues)
l On 21 May the SPDC ordered all border crossings with Thailand closed. This order followed a skirmish the day before which involved the SSA, UWSA, as well as some Thai and Burmese army troops. Following the attack, the SPDC accused Thailand of aiding the SSA opposition army troops. Thai Deputy Defense Minister Yuthasak Saaiprapha denied this allegation saying: "Thailand was not involved in the border fighting and it did not back any ethnic faction in Myanmar." The SSA also released a statement saying that attacks on May 20th had been part of an anti-drug campaign, and that SPDC army camps had been included in the attack because they in close proximity to targets. The statement went on to note that UWSA camps and drug refineries were under the protection of SPDC troops. Residents in Mae Sot report that following the order to close the border, the SPDC erected barbed wire on the Mae Sot/Myawaddy Friendship Bridge and placed soldiers along the bridge on standby. (Source: "Junta Issues Directive, May 2002, Irrawaddy)
June
l On 10 June Thailand’s Interior Ministry forbade staff from issuing birth registration documents to children of undocumented migrants, although it is permissible under Thai law to issue the papers. Without this registration, children are barred from access to welfare, health and education services. Many illegal migrants fear arrest and thus don’t attempt to register their children. (Source: BLC)
July
l On 17 July a Burmese woman died of burn injuries she suffered after being set on fire allegedly as punishment for stealing from her Thai employer. 18-year-old Ba Suu died in the hospital nine days after she was found lying on a road by a passer-by in Uthai Thani province. Ba Suu had told police that she worked as a maid at the house of a factory owner, who accused her of stealing a gold necklace. When she denied the accusations, she was beaten up and taken away by two men who doused her with gasoline and set her on fire. She suffered burns on more than half her body, including her chest, back and both arms. Police say that because the woman was kept a virtual prisoner in the house, she was unable to tell police details about its location. (Source: ‘Myanmar woman dies of burn injuries blamed on Thai employer’, AP, July 18/Burma Issues)
August
l On 5 August a 12-year old Burmese girl was raped by a 47-year-old man who acted as a volunteer outreach worker for the international aid organization, World Vision. The incident occurred in the victim’s neighborhood in the Islam Bankalone slum in Mae Sot. After consulting with religious leaders the girl’s parents reported the case to police the following day, despite fearing their actions would prompt Thai authorities to deport them as illegal migrants. Both the family and the accused, a Burmese citizen identified only as Salawut, are members of the Muslim refugee community living in Thailand. Police took the victim for an examination, which confirmed she had been sexually assaulted. The family said that a World Vision staff member visited their home shortly after the incident and promised to take responsibility for the case and provide assistance to the victim, but after that they heard nothing from the agency. The police investigation has also made no progress, they say. Social workers stated that they believed the family’s case was being ignored because they are illegal migrants. (Source: ‘Myanmar migrant family complain daughter’s rape has gone ignored’, Agence France Presse, August 22/Burma Issues)
l On 22 August it was reported that illegal migrant workers had won two million baht compensation after filing a lawsuit against their employer. Saranya Chandchuay, of the Foundation for Women, said 30 ethnic Karen women, many aged under 18, were rescued from the Bang Bon Garment factory in October 2000. Ms Saranya said that at the factory, the women worked from 7am to 9pm without a holiday. Sometimes, work carried on until after midnight. The factory gate was locked to prevent them leaving. The workers were paid 40 baht a month. Women who lasted a year would get small extra payments of 1,200 - 1,500 baht a month. Meager food, mainly chicken bones and vegetables were provided. The foundation, together with the Foundation for Child Development, took the case to the central labour court. Criminal charges were finally dropped by the attorney general, and the company was told to pay 2.1 million baht of the 41 million baht demanded in a civil suit. The payment was to be made in instalments, starting in November last year. Fifteen per cent interest was to be charged on delays. The company, however, suspended payments after surrendering only a small amount. The foundation had to pursue the case with the Legal Execution Department, as the workers had been sent back to Burma. This was the first case involving labor exploitation of migrant workers to go to court. The court decision was seen by academics and activists as a sign of progress in the legal system. (Source: ‘Slave Workers Win Historic Court Battle’, Bangkok Post, August 22/Burma Issues)
l On 29 August DVB reported that earlier in the month a Burmese female illegal migrant in Thailand was raped while in police custody. Ma Tin Tin Moe and her husband Ko Maung Soe, Mon State residents had been arrested in the town of Prakyub, Prakyub Province, South Thailand and charged with working illegally. After the arrest, husband and wife were held in different rooms. During the night, Ma Tin Tin Moe (age 27 years) was raped, first by a single Thai male, and then gang raped. Her husband Ko Maung Soe in the adjoining room could hear everything that was happening. Both husband and wife hanged themselves the next morning with one longyi. (Source: DVB)
September
l On 20 September, 20 Burmese workers, including 5 women, escaped from a cell in the Mae Sot Police Detention Center. One resident who went to the police station reported that police found the iron sieve that cover the windows of the women’s cell on the first floor had been cut by a hacksaw. According to a leader from a Burmese workers’ association, the escapees had been detained for 3-4 months in the detention cell in order to serve as witnesses against their factory owner who was on trial for hiring illegal workers. (Source: Network Media Group)
October
l On 1 October Mizzima News Group reported that human trafficking from Burma to Thailand had been increasing due to worsening economic conditions in Burma. The Mizzima article reported that two gangs of human traffickers were operating from Kyaikto town, and one gang from Kyaikmayaw town, both in Mon State. Reportedly, these traffickers smuggle between five and twenty people per day to Mae Sot town, Thailand, and onwards to Chiangmai, Bangkok and Malaysia at a cost of 100,000 Kyats per person. The article stated that it is common for human traffickers to deceive their customers, take their money and then kill them, or else sell them into forced labor or sex work.
The article went on to name the Yetuingung village headman in Kyaikmayaw town, U Aadu, and the son of the principal of the Islamic college, Aadu Sein, as being involved in human trafficking. Allegedly the leaders of the Kyaihtthu town human trafficking gang are Mon nationals U Kyaw Oo and Ma Tin San. While human traffickers in Burma are prosecuted and sometimes arrested on military orders, lower ranking military officers reportedly regularly ask for bribes and then release them. On 25 September, local Military Intelligence personnel arrested U Kyaw Oo and Ma Tin San in Kyaikto town while at the same time, other human traffickers were arrested in Kyaikmayaw. However local residents reported that all those arrested were immediately released after paying 1 million Kyats to the police. According to locals, human traffickers give 100,000 kyats to the Police and Village Peace and Development Authorities, which allow them to continue their work unimpeded. (Source: Mizzima)
l On 15 October the Thai-Burma border reopened after a 5 month closure. The Bangkok Post reported that the closure cost Burma around 300 million baht or close to US$ 7 million in lost revenue. The closure also led to increasing devaluation of the Burmese kyat. "In the five months the border remained closed, the Mae Sot checkpoint has lost 2.1 billion baht on import and export taxes. The total losses for all checkpoints equals about five billion baht," reported Boontian Chokewiwat, Mae Sot customs chief. He further reported that when the border was opened, the daily value of goods crossing the Myawaddy-Mae Sot checkpoint alone was 18 million baht (around $800,000). Burma closed its borders with Thailand following a skirmish involving Thai and Burmese soldiers. The incident also involved armed opposition groups whom the SPDC claims were being supported by the Thai military. (Source: ‘Counting the Cost of Closure,’Irrawaddy, November 2002)
December
l On 14 December approximately 600 hundred Burmese garment workers in Mae Sot were fired after demanding that 40 employees be reinstated who had been terminated for requesting overdue wages as well as a raise. The workers from Rian Thong Apparel factory said that they were also protesting the amount of monthly leave granted to them by the factory’s owner, Yan How, who is from Taiwan. Mr. Yan How said that he dismissed the workers after they took more than the allotted half-day off per month.
Workers complain that a half-day off per month is insufficient to allow them to buy monthly rations or to remit money back to Burma. Workers have also reported that Mr Yan was taking 3 percent of their wages each month for unknown reasons and that he never paid overtime or set a piece rate for knitters. On Saturday, Mr Yan’s son paid the workers a ten-day deposit as well as back wages in front of local police, who had been called to maintain security at the factory. But workers said they were not given their work permits despite paying for them. Some workers said they would like to sue Mr Yan, but without work permits they did not think that was possible. Others said they were going to return to Burma and look for work despite the low wages. "We can earn enough for food in Burma, but the income is not enough for clothes, medicine or anything else," said one worker. (Source: ‘Hundreds Fired in Mae Sot,’ Irrawaddy, December 16 2002)
l From 29 December onwards, Thailand instituted new visa rules for Burmese passport holder. Previously, Burmese passport holders were granted visas upon arrival to Thailand. Following these new regulations Burmese are now required to apply for visas inside Burma. This new rule has made it extremely difficult for Burmese refugees and political dissidents to maintain a legal status in Thailand as many cannot re-enter Burma except at great risk to their personal security.

Migrant Workers in Thailand

2008-12-15T00:07:00.000-08:00

The Situation of Migrant Workers

(1) Background
Throughout 2002 large numbers of people continued to leave Burma to seek work abroad. Approximately ten percent of Burma’s population migrates to other countries, according to a report Migration, Needs, Issues and Responses in the Greater Mekong Subregion 2002, by the Asian Migrant Center. People leave Burma for a number of reasons. Rampant inflation, a deteriorating economy and general lack of employment and educational opportunities are factors that cause many people to emigrate. In addition to these hardships, many people living in rural areas are forced to pay heavy taxes to local officials and the military and to sell a large percentage of their crops to the government at below-market prices. For these reasons, many Burmese view their migration as less of a decision than an economic necessity.
Ethnic minority people living in civil war zones often have no choice about emigrating, as they are forced to flee their homes to avoid brutal campaigns of violence against them by the Burmese Military. Every year thousands of people flee across the border, primarily into Thailand, to escape these human rights violations which include mass forced relocation, arbitrary arrest, torture, rape, and extra-judicial killing. Some of these people are able to seek asylum in refugee camps in Thailand and Bangladesh, however many of those fleeing human rights violations are not recognized as refugees by the Thai and Bangladeshi Governments. These individuals are left with the choice of trying to enter refugee camps illegally or else trying to survive as migrant workers.
Migration from Burma is facilitated by the fact that 7 of Burma’s 14 States and Divisions share borders with neighboring countries. In the west, Burma borders Bangladesh and India, in the north and northeast China, and in the east Laos and Thailand. In a 1999 report by Save the Children UK, Small Dreams Beyond Reach: The Lives of Migrant Children and Youth Along the Borders of China, Myanmar, and Thailand, the authors note that in the past ten years the largest flow of migrants in the Mekong region has been concentrated along the borders of China, Burma and Thailand, with Burmese people making up the largest percentage of the population migrating. The report goes on to note that while China, India, Bangladesh and Thailand have collectively reported hosting over two million Burmese migrants, the actual population of people from Burma living in these countries is likely to be much higher. However it is extremely difficult to obtain accurate estimates as to the number of Burmese working abroad, as many are illegal, and the population as a whole is highly mobile. In addition, some migrant groups are ethnically similar to indigenous populations of neighboring countries, making them difficult to identify as non-natives.
Situation for Women Migrant Workers
Women make up a significant percentage of migrants from Burma. In neighboring countries, most notably Thailand, there is a strong demand for female labor. Women who emigrate are more likely then men to work as undocumented or illegal workers. This is partly due to the fact that many women take jobs that are in the informal sector and not included in government registration. While women are subjected to the same poor conditions and abuses as men who are migrant workers, women also suffer abuses specific to their gender. Of greatest concern is the fact that Burmese women working outside their country are extremely vulnerable to sexual abuse by their employers, human traffickers, local officials, or others. Many women face sexual harassment and/or sexual assault in the workplace, while they are in government detention centers, and/or in their homes and communities. Women migrant workers who are undocumented have little recourse when they are abused, as their abusers often threaten them with arrest and deportation if they complain to the authorities or try to escape their situation. As a result of this situation, a number of young migrant women report feeling pressure to get married in order to have some protection against unwanted sexual advances from others.
As in Burma, most migrant women also suffer from a lack of access to reproductive health care, and information on STDs and contraceptives. In Gathering Strength, a report by Images Asia, the authors note that in Mae Sot, a town on the Thai/Burma border, some health workers have reported that it is more difficult to negotiate with factory managers than brothel owners about provision of reproductive health information to employees. One health worker reports the following situation in Mae Sot:
"Our patients come from the Mae Sot area, factories, refugee camps, some from inside Burma, and some from the border....We see pregnant women who don’t want their babies, and they induce abortions. When they arrive here they already have infections. Especially in the factories in Mae Sot, there are many women who get pregnant but don’t want to have babies. Some induce abortions themselves, some get TBAs [Traditional Birth Assistants] to do it. After an induced abortion, there is increased chance of an ectopic [tubal] pregnancy, which is very dangerous and can be fatal for the woman.
In Burma, women are very shy, and no one gets any sex education. But here, in the factories, men and women are together. Maybe they will sleep together, and afterwards, the woman is pregnant and she may not even know why. Families never talk about sex. In our culture, it is very secret. Mothers will not tell their daughters anything about sex. This year, there are more young women. Some have even graduated from university, but they all must come to work in Thailand. We have seen two rape cases this year, and many cases of STD’s, including HIV/ AIDS. Now we see more patients who already have AIDS; they die after only one or two months. Last year, two or three people died in our clinic of AIDS. This year, we have seen more than 10 people die of AIDS, including a pregnant woman. In the past one to two years, we have seen many STD’s in women….
A woman came in who had an incomplete abortion. I explained that she needed to stay in the clinic, because the tissue hadn’t come out yet. If we treated her for two or three days and she did not get better, we could send her to Mae Sot Hospital. She said, "No, I cannot take a holiday. My manager will not agree. Just give me medicine because I must continue with my job." I explained to her that we could take care of her here and it would not cost any money, but she could not afford to stop working. So finally, I gave her medicine and told her to come back immediately if she had any problems…I sometimes feel very sad about our people. Now with the arrests [of illegal migrants], people have even more problems. The army is shooting at them in Burma, and they cannot stay here safely. I don’t know what the situation will bring. In the [refugee] camps, we can see the same people repeatedly, and problems are dependent on the season. But here [working with migrant workers], it is different. We often see people only once, and we urge them to come back. But they have problems with transport and arrests by police. We cannot always help like this, you see. Ultimately, change will depend on political changes, not on the clinic or our staff. Political changes must happen step by step. Changes must happen inside Burma, on the borderline, and in Thailand. We can do so many things, but it depends on the situation." (Belak, Brenda, Gathering Strength Women from Burma on Their Rights. Images Asia, January 2002)
In January 2002 the situation for migrant women further deteriorated when the Thai Labour Ministry issued a regulation stating that female foreign workers would be given a medical checkup and those found to be pregnant would not have their licences to work in Thailand renewed. While this regulation was later overturned following protests from human rights groups, many women report that they continue to be dismissed by their employers if they become pregnant. As abortion is illegal in both Thailand and Burma, many women resort to traditional methods to induce abortions which can seriously damage their health.
In 2002, Suzanne Belton, a PhD Candidate at Melbourne University’s Key Centre for Women’s Health, conducted research in Thailand focusing on reproductive health issues of migrant women. Her report notes:
"The preliminary findings of recent research of abortions in Tak [province of Thailand] reveal a serious situation, which is getting worse. In the local Thai hospitals in 2001-2002, twelve Burmese women died from lack of antenatal care, post abortion complications or delivery complications and more than 300 Burmese women were seen with post abortion complications. One woman from a refugee camp died during her 16th pregnancy.
In 2001 at the Mae Tao Clinic, established by Dr Cynthia Maung from Burma to treat Burmese migrants, there were 457 post abortion cases, more than double from 2000. The clinic performed 563 birth deliveries, a comparable number to post abortion cases. However, the numbers are likely much higher as most women still give birth and perform abortions at home with community midwives or abortionists. Of the women interviewed, more than half had been living in Thailand for more than 3 years. This demonstrates the need for long-term intervention strategies and care.
Forty percent of the women interviewed induced their own abortion before going to the clinic or hospital with home-type remedies, massage (pounding and compressing the uterus), high dosages of contraceptive pills or went to an abortionist who puts sticks, nails, etc into the womb. Some women get massive infection of their reproductive organs and lose the ability to ever become pregnant again. Abortions are particularly dangerous since they are illegal in both Thailand and Burma and the abortionists do not appear to be well trained. Legal reforms to liberalize access to clean abortion in both Thailand and Burma would decrease the sickness and deaths.
It costs approximately US$53 for a woman who is hospitalized for post abortion complications in a Thai hospital and about US$230 if she dies from pregnancy related causes. Burmese women in Tak earn about US$45 per month, making hospital fees far beyond their reach.
The research sampling showed that 25% of the women having an abortion experienced five or more pregnancies, which is a serious health risk for the woman. It was found that most women do not receive family planning information while they are inpatients being treated for post abortion care in local Thai hospitals. The availability of information and services could reduce abortions as well as being economical for the women, the Thai health system and NGOs providing services. A one-year contraceptive injection costs US$2.10 and female sterilization costs US$11.60. It was noted that the women were ‘very interested’ in talking about family planning. It was also noted that the women interviewed had little to no education and nearly 25% could not read or write, so alternatives to written information needs to be provided.
Poverty, domestic violence, job retention, ill-timing and community pressure were reasons cited for ending the pregnancy. Abortions and maternal health must be dealt with in the framework of these underlying causes in order for assistance and intervention to be effective and sustainable." (Source: Suzanne Belton, PhD Candidate. Melbourne University Key Centre for Women’s Health in Society Faculty of Medicine. Research conducted through the Mae Tao Clinic. Full report will be published during 2003)
(2) Situation for Migrant Children
From April 1999 to March 2001, Save the Children UK conducted research along Burma’s borders with China and Thailand on the situation of Burmese children living in these countries. In the study, researchers found that the majority of migrants from Burma were young people. Beginning at age 13, children from Burma migrate on their own to search for work in neighboring countries. While some children under 13 also migrate on their own, the majority of children this age migrate with their parents or other relatives. The report goes on to note that:
"The interviews in this study revealed extensive debt-bondage, sexual abuse, illegal confinement, confiscation of documents, arrest and extortion, forced overtime, few basic resources and poor living conditions that were overcrowded, insecure and often violent. Sexual abuse was commonly reported among girls and young women, particularly among those involved in sex work and domestic service. The general health problems impacting children and young people were identified as malaria (the most common illness reported), tuberculosis (TB), dengue fever, diarrhea and malnutrition. Reproductive health issues were a major concern among youth and adults at all the project sites….
Along all the borders, most of the children did not attend school and among those who did only a very few had finished primary level education. Those who were displaced or had migrated across the borders cited constant mobility, remoteness, insecurity and lack of documentation as the reasons why their children did not attend school. Economic instability and language barriers were other important factors. There was also an attitude among participants in several of the study sites that formal education would not lead to a good life, even if young people were to finish higher levels of schooling. Cross-border migration was seen as an opportunity to obtain experience and develop practical skills. Consequently, many children reported not going to school or dropping out of school early. These children began working at an early age and were vulnerable to exploitation as a result of their limited knowledge and skills.
Drug production, trafficking and addiction were critical issues identified by the communities at all of the research sites along the borders. Participants noted the problem of drug addiction, particularly among young people, with children as young as nine and ten years old considered vulnerable to experimentation and addiction. Young migrants also reported being introduced to amphetamines by their employer in order to work harder and longer hours. In addition, migrants along all three borders noted the ease of recruiting migrants into the drug trafficking business, and expressed frustration with the inability to deal with drug-related problems in their families and communities.
Child labour was found in all three countries, particularly along the border areas and among migrant populations. This was largely a result of extreme poverty and of children left orphaned or abandoned by their parents. Many young children were observed working largely in the service and entertainment sectors (such as teashops, restaurants and hotels that often included direct and indirect sex work), in agricultural related jobs, or as day labourers or beggars. In addition, child soldiers, both in the army and with armed opposition groups, were found in Myanmar. According to the attitudes and perspectives of those in this study, children were of a ‘workable age’ as early as six or seven years old…
Orphaned children along the border areas were found to be the most vulnerable, often living without assurance of their most basic needs. These children were the most likely to be exploited and trafficked. Abandonment was a common problem, related to drug trafficking and addiction, HIV/AIDS, and loss of contact with family during migration. In addition, migrants’ illegal status often leads to arrest, detention and deportation, with children reporting being treated as adults during this process, often separated from their family and communities." (Source: Caoutte, Therese. Small Dreams Out of Reach, The Lives of Migrant Children and Youth along the Borders of China, Myanmar, and Thailand. (Bangkok: Save the Children UK, 2001)
Another concern with increasing numbers of families migrating from Burma is the situation for children who are born outside of Burma to Burmese parents. In both Thailand and China the respective governments refuse to grant citizenship to children of both legal and illegal immigrants and refugees from Burma. This is highly problematic, as these children are also denied Burmese citizenship under the Burma Citizenship Act, because they were born outside the country and because their parent(s) left Burma illegally.
At present in Thailand there are no clear regulations about how hospitals should deal with the birth of babies born to parents who have illegally entered the country. Usually hospitals simply do not record the births of these children. In Ranong and Samut Sakhon, it has been reported that hospitals remove the birth records of these babies from the last page of the doctor’s appointment books, to prevent the children from claiming Thai nationality in the future. Stateless children suffer discrimination both in the country of their birth as well as in Burma, if and when they return. Without a national ID, people in Burma are unable to access educational opportunities, government employment, or to travel freely within the country. (Source: BLC)
(3) Burmese Migrants in Thailand
Throughout 2002 people from Burma continued to flee to neighboring Thailand to escape a deteriorating economy and widespread human rights violations by the military regime. While the SPDC officially closed border crossings with Thailand from May to October, large numbers of people continued to enter Thailand at unofficial crossing sites along the border. According to some estimates there are currently as many as 2 million migrants from Burma and other neighboring countries working in Thailand. Migrant workers from Burma come from a variety of geographical locations and ethnic groups. There are both push and pull factors at work when people make the decision to migrate to Thailand. The pull factors include the close geographical location of Thailand to Burma as well as the demand in Thailand for cheap labor. The push factors include the poor state of the Burmese economy and ongoing human rights violations that are specifically acute in areas along the Thai border. Many workers also report that they have come to Thailand to escape the SPDC’s demands for forced labor in their home states and divisions.
As most people emigrate from Burma due to factors that are both political and economic, it is difficult to make absolute distinctions between economic migrants, political asylum seekers, and refugees. The Royal Thai Government maintains a strict and sometimes arbitrary policy on classifying Burmese who arrive in Thailand, which means that in many cases victims of direct human rights abuses are refused access to refugee camps and international humanitarian aid. These people are faced with the choice of trying to illegally enter the refugee camps or else becoming migrant workers. The more than 100,000 Shans currently working in Thailand as migrant laborers are visible examples of these policies. While human rights abuses by the Burmese military in Shan State, including forced labor, forced relocations, arbitrary arrest, killings and rape have been widely documented, the Thai government continues to deny any Shans refugee status.
An 18 December 2002 article in Irrawaddy magazine included an interview with a corn farmer from southern Shan State, who had recently fled to Thailand. This man said: "We can’t survive due to the authority’s taxes and extortion." The article also reported that farmers in Mon State have also been leaving for Thailand following floods that wiped out their rice crops. These farmers reportedly fled not only because of a lack of food, but also because they were unable to supply the government with the required rice quotas. Other regional analysts predict that due to worsening economic conditions, rapidly increasing prices for basic commodities, and widespread flooding, thousands more people will flee to Thailand in 2003. (Source: Irrawaddy)
Thai Migration Policy and Legal Registration of Migrant Workers
Thailand’s policy on migration prioritizes economic development and national security, sometimes at the expense of protecting the rights of migrant workers. For the past 7 years, Thai migration policy has been drafted through a series of cabinet resolutions which reflect the attitude of whatever administration is currently in office. Contradictions between these resolutions have inhibited the formation of a coherent policy on migration and thus hindered the development of a consistent strategy for implementation.
Thai law defines an illegal alien as a person without Thai citizenship who has entered the Kingdom in violation of section 12 of the Immigration Act of 1979. According to this Act, migrants found to be in the country illegally, will be repatriated to their countries of origin. In March 1992 the Thai cabinet passed the first of a successive number of resolutions which have allowed migrants to pay a fee and apply for a work permit which allows them to work legally in Thailand. The permit limits work to specific industries in designated parts of the country. Migrants with work permits are protected under the 1997 Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand and covered by most of the provisions in the Labour Protection Act of 1998. The work permit also gives migrants access to the 30-baht health scheme, where each visit to a doctor or clinic costs only 30 baht plus the cost of medicine. Unfortunately enforcement of these protections for migrant workers has been lax, and many workers are not aware of what rights the permit entitles them to and how to respond if these rights are violated.
In addition, Burmese migrant workers often find it difficult to obtain a work permit for a number of reasons. The permit costs 4,450 baht for one year, which makes it too expensive for many workers, who make an average salary of 1,500-2,000 baht a month. In addition, a worker has to be guaranteed by a factory owner or other Thai employer in order to register for a permit. In the past, a key complaint with the work permit system was that registered workers were not allowed to change jobs without losing their legal status. During the September 2002 registration period, changes were made in the regulations which allowed legal workers to change jobs and register with a new employer. These new regulations stated that if and when a registered worker is fired or leaves their job for any reason, they are required to find a new job (and employer to guarantee them) within 7 days or they will lose their permit. This process is still problematic, as in order to register with a new employer, the worker has to first obtain a signature of consent from his or her previous employer. In practice, employers rarely give consent for their workers to switch jobs, as they don’t want employees to move to other factories or businesses which may pay higher salaries. As a result, even with the change in regulations, most workers remain unable to change jobs while retaining their legal status. Due to this, employers can prevent workers from striking or complaining about salaries and working conditions by threatening to fire them.
In some areas of Thailand, specifically in areas on the border with Burma, employers of Burmese workers withhold their employees’ work permits. In these cases, workers are only given a photocopy of their work permit, which is often not accepted by police as valid identification. Workers report that when they are stopped by officials, they are either forced to give bribe money, or else wait for their employer to be contacted to come and vouch for them. In these cases, employers often don’t bother coming to the police station or detention center and the arrested workers are deported and their copy of the work permit confiscated.
Migrants in areas where this practice is common are as a result increasingly choosing not to renew their permits. For example, in Tak province during the November 2002 registration period only 30, 260 Burmese workers registered, compared to the 50, 235 who had registered in 2001. (Source: Bangkok Post)
During the registration renewal period for migrant workers that ran from September 15 to October 15 2002, Thailand instituted a new form, the Tor Dor 13, which migrants had to fill out. This form required that applicants provide their addresses in their home countries, leading some workers to fear that their families in Burma might face harassment from the SPDC which actively discourages illegal migration. Migrants were also afraid that if they gave a false address then they would be banned by the SPDC from returning to Burma in the future.
In a report released in July 2002, Amnesty International noted concerns of illegal migrants being forcibly returned to Burma as many have a "well-founded fear of persecution if they were to be returned."
Working and Living Conditions
In July 2002, Amnesty International released a report, "Myanmar: Lack of Security in Counter-Insurgency Areas," which noted that migrants in Thailand face many difficulties and abuses. AI researchers interviewed 100 Burmese migrants in Thailand who reported that they had paid between 4,500 and 10,000 baht (US$104 to 233) to be brought to Thailand by human smugglers.
Once in Thailand, Burmese migrants work in a number of industries and service sectors, often in dirty and sometimes dangerous conditions for pay that is far below the Thai minimum wage. Workers in factories report that there are many injuries that occur and that workers rarely receive any compensation for work related accidents or deaths. A number of agricultural workers suffer from respiratory or other problems as a result of long-term exposure to chemical pesticide spray. These workers typically are not given masks, gloves or other protective gear even when they are in contact with chemicals that are known to be harmful.
All migrant workers face a common fear of arrest and deportation. This fear keeps many migrants from moving freely and impedes their access to health care and other social services that may be available. For this reason migrants suffer in silence from easily treatable diseases. The spread of communicable diseases is facilitated by lack of access to health care facilities and medicine, cramped living conditions and poor sanitation. Lack of knowledge of the local language also prevents migrants from seeking help when they face unhealthy or dangerous situations. This combination of fear of arrest and lack of knowledge about the laws, customs and language of their host country means that migrants are easily exploited and abused by their employers, Thai officials and others.
Repatriation of Migrant Workers
Before February 2002, illegal migrants deported from Thailand were often simply dropped off at some point on the border, after which they often returned to Thailand.
In late 2001, the Thai and Burmese Governments entered into negotiations about the repatriation of illegal workers. The SPDC agreed to set up a number of holding centers or reception camps directly on the border inside Burma. In February 2002, following a three day visit to Burma, Thai Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai said that the SPDC had agreed to accept back thousands of undocumented workers and had "assured [him] they will not be prosecuted." (Source: Bangkok Post)
Following this, a reception center for returning migrants was established in Myawaddy. While the Thai government has actively encouraged international organizations to assist with the repatriation process, at present there are no international organizations regularly monitoring conditions at this center.
The reception center in Myawaddy (In Burmese Ke Say Yee Sa Kan) is run by the Directorate of the Defense Service Intelligence (DSI) of the Ministry of Defense. Between February and May 2002, over 19,000 migrants from Burma were repatriated and 3,681 people were processed through the Myawaddy Reception Center. (Source: Bangkok Post, New Light of Myanmar) At the reception center, deportees are reportedly placed under a combined police, military and DKBA guard. All returned migrants are screened through a series of interviews with immigration and public health officials, and members of military intelligence.
Thai authorities do not conduct any screening before deportation to determine if any among those deported are refugees or asylum seekers. Instead, local Thai officials regularly assume that all people without ID documents outside the refugee camps are illegal immigrants. This arbitrary definition ignores the fact that although many people do migrate to Thailand for economic reasons, many others are also refugees, political exiles and activists. Often an individual falls into more than one, if not all categories. For example, many refugees attempt to supplement their inadequate diet by leaving their assigned refugee camps illegally, and working for short-term contracts. Others come to Thailand as either refugees or illegal immigrants, and then become involved with some of the many Burmese opposition groups based in Mae Sot. Often people became refugees because they were politically active inside Burma.
SPDC officials specifically screen returned migrants for those who may be affiliated with political opposition groups. Thai authorities also submit personal data on deportees to SPDC officials at the time of repatriation. These officials then cross-check this information with their own files to search for dissidents. As most political activity is criminalized in Burma, this process places past and present politically active deportees at severe risk of arrest, interrogation, torture, and arbitrary detention.
In addition to political screening, returned migrants are also tested for a number of communicable diseases such as HIV/AIDS, Malaria, TB, and Sexually Transmitted Diseases. A number of human rights organizations have protested this mandatory HIV/AIDS testing, and the reported separation of at least 20 individuals who tested positive for HIV/AIDS. Such mandatory testing contravenes UN HIV Principles and Guidelines to which Thailand and Burma are signatory.
Deportees have also reported that as part of an ongoing campaign to discourage illegal emigration, SPDC officials at the reception camp are now photographing and maintaining records of personal data on all deportees. Those deported are informed that if the SPDC officials collect three photographs of one returnee, (i.e. if someone is deported through the reception camp three times) then that person will be arrested for illegal emigration. According to SPDC regulation 367/120-(b)(1), these individuals can be sentenced to up to 7 years imprisonment.
At the end of the screening process it appears that people are dealt with in one of two ways; those who are able to find a resident of Myawaddy prepared to vouch for them are simply released after paying between 2,000-3,500 kyat; while the remainder are transported by truck back to their home districts. Individuals transported back to their home districts are required to pay a transportation fee which varies according to distance. It costs for example, only 150 kyat to be transported to nearby Moulmien but 1400 kyat to be deported to Arakan State. People who have no relatives or friends in Myawaddy to vouch for them and who cannot afford to pay this transportation fee sometimes have to stay in the area working as lookouts to guard train tracks, bridges and government buildings until they can save up the cost of the repatriation fee.
Many people attempt to evade the screening process and/or forced transfer to their home districts by paying bribes to officials. Other deportees apparently are able to bribe their way out at the customs checkpoint on arrival, or else manage to run away during transfer back to their home districts. Having escaped or bribed their way out of official custody, it appears to be a relatively simple matter for migrants to secretly cross the border and re-enter Thailand illegally. Many people wade across the Moei River, which separates the two countries, everyday.
The SPDC actively discourages people, and especially women from migrating abroad. One reason for this is that the regime fears that migrants will report on human rights abuses inside the country to opposition groups or other human rights organizations. Major General Kyaw Win has stated that part of the SPDC’s "Anti-Human Trafficking Campaign" includes efforts to "teach people about negative consequences of working abroad." This campaign appears to focus less on education than on threats and punishment of people found to have worked, or planning to work, abroad. In a number of states and Divisions the SPDC is creating "Human Trafficking Prevention Committees" which have been ordered to collect data on everyone between 16 and 25 years of age, and to investigate anyone traveling to border areas. (Source: Altsean)
Women and girls have been specifically targeted in these campaigns. Some women who return to their villages in Burma have reportedly been made to sign documents pledging to the authorities that they will not return to Thailand. The Myanmar Women’s Affair Association chairperson Dr. Daw Khin Win Shwe, wife of Gen. Khin Nyunt issued an order that young women be prohibited from working in Thailand in order to prevent trafficking. Young women are further prohibited from traveling to Thailand except in the company of a guardian. Women who are found to have disobeyed this order can be put in prison for one to three years. Male deportees have reported that if they were returned to their home towns they also would have been required to sign such a pledge. After doing so they then are in jeopardy of a seven-year prison term if arrested attempting to return to Thailand or upon deportation

No laughing Matter

2008-12-15T00:04:00.000-08:00

No laughing matter at the Police Academy
COMMENTARY No laughing matter at the Police Academy Sanitsuda Ekachai Bangkok Post August 29, 2006 If you are working overseas under dire stress, how would you feel if your community's religious gathering, which gives you a sense of psychological security, was raided by the police and berated by the mass media as a territorial invasion? If Thai workers faced such a crackdown and humiliation in their host country, we would certainly hear endless outcries for a diplomatic apology and redress. We would also definitely consider those perpetrators to be fools, culturally insensitive to the point of being barbaric. Last Sunday, we became such perpetrators ourselves. And we have not shown any sign of being perturbed for having sunk so low. You see, it is an age-old tradition of the ethnic Karen on both sides of the Thai-Burmese border to hold a spirit-calling ceremony in August. Wherever they are, they would try to return to their home villages to attend the ceremony to ensure family happiness and to free themselves of all bad luck in the year ahead. The ceremony has a special significance for the Karen migrant workers who fled Burma's political persecution and dire economic hardship to toil here in what is near slave-like work conditions. Since they cannot return home, a group of Karen elders are invited to perform a sacred ceremony to tie the youngsters' wrists with sanctified thread that will protect them from harm. For recreation, apart from sporting events, there is cultural entertainment for the crowd to celebrate their ethnic identity, to reassure themselves that they are not alone and rootless in a hostile land. While each pocket of ethnic Karen migrants holds their own spirit-calling ceremony in their vicinity, the grandest takes place in Nakhon Pathom, given the heavy concentration of factories which hire ethnic Karen migrant workers there, and in nearby provinces. I was there last year to educate my 10-year-old girl about ethnic cultures and the beauty of cultural diversity. She returned home all smiles, with her wrist full of sacred threads and _ mummy hoped _ with some immunity to counter the prevailing ethnic prejudices in our society. What happened at the Karen's grand spirit-calling ceremony in Nakhon Pathom this year showed that it is not only my girl who needs some education to undo ugly ethnic chauvinism. The spirit-calling ceremony this year took place at the Police Cadet Academy at Samphran. Since it was the 14th year in a row that they have held the ceremony in the province, no one expected any glitches. The happy event, however, turned into a nightmare when hundreds of policemen staged a crackdown, netting some 600 Karen for deportation while the rest fled for safety in panic. The next day, the headlines in many vernacular papers shouted the same message of xenophobic nationalism: ''Tens of thousands of Karen seize Police Academy!'' screamed one. ''Rampant fear as hundred thousand Burmese invade Police Academy!'' exclaimed another. The morning news on TV and radio was not much better. As footage of the raid was aired on the screen, one female anchorwoman sternly asked the policeman in charge: ''So have you nabbed the hua choke?'' The words, meaning ''leader of trouble-makers'', clearly showed her ethnic prejudice. Another radio news anchorman tried to suggest there must be something fishy going on in having allowed the Karen to improperly use the Police Academy. They just could not see that the Samphran policemen were out of their minds. Blinded, too, by deeply-seated racist nationalism, they just could not see that raiding a religious ceremony was a serious violation of human rights. Without respect for different cultures, how can we ever hope to douse the fire in the deep South? With the spirit-calling ceremony ending in disaster, the ethnic Karen must shiver at the thought of their year ahead. The future is also grim for us Thais if we still allow our racist nationalism to run wild with impunity.

karen New Year 2004

2008-12-14T23:40:00.000-08:00

ုုkaren need of blessing

2008-12-14T23:38:00.000-08:00

Karen need of blessing

Sanitsuda Ekachai The young Karen girl in her late teens looked quite traditional in her long dress of machine-woven cloth sporting a Karen design. But the spaghetti straps would have left her mother horrified. Back in her village home in Burma, her mother would never, never let the girl leave home wearing such a dress which audaciously showed off her glowing, youthful shoulders. But like thousands of Karen migrant workers who gathered for their annual spirit-calling ceremony in Nakhon Pathom recently, the teenage girl had no time to worry about mum frowning. It was time to lighten up and feel reassured that they were not all alone far from home. Traditionally, the young Karen who left their villages to work would return home to receive blessings from their elders in the full moon night of the lunar month, when the elders would perform the wrist-tying ceremony to strengthen the village boys' and girls' guardian spirits and to shoo away bad luck. The ceremony is common to ethnic Karen on both sides of the Thai-Burma border. It is believed that when one is shocked or distressed, the bad experience chases one's guardian spirit away, making one even more vulnerable to bad luck. It is then important to perform a ceremony to call the guardian spirit back to its seat on top of the head. For those who cannot return home, attending the spirit-calling ceremony in town is equally effective. When the Karen peasants who fled persecution in Burma to toil in often slave-like work conditions in Thailand, heard that the forest elders would preside at the sacred ceremony in Nakhon Pathom, they travelled by the busload from factories in various provinces for the much-needed blessings. ``It's the power of culture and ceremony,'' said Tiwa Kongnandee, a Thai Karen who organised the event, now in its 13th year. ``After observing their own traditions and having good fun at the festival with their friends, they feel refreshed and strong enough to face life's difficulties again.'' The ritual does not only boost morale, but also identity awareness. Living and working in a hostile land where migrant workers are often dehumanised, the ceremony reassures the ethnic Karen about who they are. This renewed sense of belonging to a group makes them feel psychologically safe. That is why the migrant workers, all in their youth, proudly turned up in their traditional-looking Karen outfits for the day. ``Being here has made me feel secure in who I am,'' said Onee, 29, a worker in Samut Songkram. The rapture magically helped them forget their misery for a day. For the indigenous Karen on Thai soil, many suffer the lack of citizenship which robs them of all basic legal rights while subjecting them to constant deportation threats. Even for those with citizenship, they are maliciously stereotyped as forest destroyers who must also be evicted from their forest homes. For the Karen migrant workers from Burma, many end up in sweat shops, working in slave-like conditions. Forget minimum wage, overtime and work safety. Forget making demands, because to be sacked means immediately losing the right to work in Thailand legally. Having no opportunities in life, many girls are lured or forced into the flesh trade. Being young, financially independent, far from parents' surveillance _ and lacking the power to negotiate for safe sex from their partners, many end up becoming HIV-positive. Abortion is a common tragedy, which takes many young mothers' lives. Even a simple social activity such as attending the traditional spirit-calling ceremony is a risky business. Since migrant workers are not allowed to go outside their designated work neighbourhoods, they could easily face arrest and extortion on their journeys. When Thai workers were abused in Taiwan, they protested violently and their voices were heard, said Tiwa. Migrant workers in Thailand don't even have the right to have recreation with a sense of safety. For Toleh, 19, a factory worker in Omnoi, Nakhon Pathom, such fears did not stop him. ``Life is very tough here,'' he said. ``We need all the blessings we can get.''

ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္

2008-12-14T23:35:00.000-08:00

ကရင္ႏွစ္သစ္
မည္သည့္အရာမွ် ဘ၀ႏွင့္မကင္း၊ ဘ၀၏ အစသည္ သေႏၶက ျဖစ္သည္ဟု ခံယူက မွားအံ့မထင္ေပ။ သက္ရွိေရာ သက္မဲ့ပါ အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ျဖစ္ေပၚျခင္း၊ ဖြားသန္႔စင္ျခင္းမရွိ၊ တခုေသာ ကာလ အပိုင္းအျခားတို႔ျဖင့္ သေႏၶတည္ၾကရသည္မွာ ေလာကနိယာမပင္ ျဖစ္သည္။
သက္ရွိလူသားႏွင့္ တိရစၦာန္တို႔မွာ တခုစီေသာ ကာလအတိုင္းအတာျဖင့္ သေႏၶတည္ ဖြားသန္႔စင္ လာၾကရေသာ္လည္း သက္မဲ့တို႔၏ ေျပာင္းလဲမႈအေၾကာင္း တရားမ်ားကား အတိုင္းအဆမရွိပါေပ။ နာရီပိုင္းအတြင္း ေျပာင္းလဲႏုိင္သလို ႏွစ္ရာေထာင္ သေႏၶတည္ေပးရသည့္ အရာမ်ားလည္း ဒုႏွင့္ေဒးပင္။
ကရင့္ဘ၀သစ္ ဖြားသန္႔စင္ေရးအတြက္ အတိတ္ကာလတြင္ေရာ မ်က္ေမွာက္ယေန႔တုိင္ေအာင္ပင္ ဘိုးဘြားမိဘေခတ္ အဆက္ဆက္ကပင္ သေႏၶပ်ဳိးလာခဲ့ပါ၏။ မ်ဳိးေစ့ခ်ခ်ေပးခဲ့ပါ၏။ ကာလ ရွည္ၾကာ ခဲ့ေပၿပီ။ ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းထားေသာ စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္ျခင္း၊ ေအာင္ျမင္တုိးတက္ျခင္း၊ အာမခံခ်က္ရွိျခင္း စသည္တို႔ ျပည့္လွ်မ္းေသာ ကရင္ဘ၀သည္ကား ဖြားသန္႔စင္၍ မလာေသးေပ။
ထို႔ေၾကာင့္ … …မ်ဳိးခ်ခဲ့ေသာ မ်ဳိးေစ့ေအာင္မေအာင္၊ တည္ခဲ့ၿပီးေသာ သေႏၶေကာင္းမေကာင္း၊ ေရေျမ သဘာ၀ အခ်ိန္အခါႏွင့္ သင့္မသင့္ ျပန္လည္၍ စကာခ် ေရြးထုတ္သန္႔စင္သြားရင္း … …ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ရွိ လိႈင္းဂယက္ကို ရွာေဖြေဖာ္ထုတ္ရင္း … …ႀကိဳတင္ကာကြယ္မႈ၊ တိုက္ဖ်က္တြန္းလွန္မႈ အစီအမံမ်ားခ်မွတ္သြားႏိုင္ေရးတို႔အတြက္ … …
“သမ႐ိုးက်” ဆုိသည္မ်ားတြင္ ပယ္စြန္႔သင့္သည္မ်ားကို ႏွေျမာတြန္႔တိုမႈမရွိ၊ လက္ခံသင့္ သည္မ်ားအား ဖြံ႕ထြားေအာင္ ႀကံေဆာင္ရင္း ရွင္သန္ဖြံ႕ထြားသည့္ ကရင့္ဘ၀သစ္ ဖြားသန္႔စင္ေရးအတြက္ အသင္စာ႐ႈသူလည္း ျပဳစုပ်ဳိးေထာင္ရန္ တာ၀န္ရွိလာပါၿပီ … …
အသစ္အသစ္ဆုိသည္မ်ား
အေဟာင္းအေဟာင္းတို႔ ပ်က္သုဥ္းခ်ဳပ္ၿငိမ္း၍ အသစ္အသစ္တို႔ ေပၚလာရစၿမဲ။ သို႔ေသာ္ အေဟာင္း အေဟာင္းဆုိသည္မ်ားမွာ ကာလၾကာရွည္သည္ႏွင့္အမွ် ေပ်ာက္ကြယ္သြားရသည္မ်ား ရွိသကဲ့သို႔ အနာဂတ္ သမိုင္းမွတ္တိုင္မ်ား၊ သင္ခန္းစာမ်ားအျဖစ္ ျဖစ္ေပၚလာရသည္လည္း ရွိေနေပသည္။
လူမ်ဳိးတိုင္း ႏိုင္ငံတိုင္းတို႔သည္ ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ႏွင့္ စံနစ္အဖံုဖံုကို ေျပာင္းလဲဖန္တီး လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သို႔တည္းမဟုတ္ ျဖတ္ေက်ာ္ရင္ဆုိင္ၾကရသည္ခ်ည္းပင္။
ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားသည္လည္း ေခတ္အဆက္ဆက္ႏွင့္ စနစ္အဖံုဖံု၏ ေရစီး ေၾကာင္း၀ယ္ ခရီးရွည္ျဖတ္သန္း ေက်ာ္လႊားခဲ့ရၿပီးျဖစ္ေလရာ အတိတ္မွ ကရင့္ဘ၀ သင္ခန္းစာကို ယူ၍ အနာဂါတ္ ေရွ႕ခရီးရွည္အတြက္ “အသစ္အသစ္”မ်ား တည္ေဆာက္သြား ၾကရဦးမည္သာ ျဖစ္ေပသည္။
“အသစ္အသစ္” ဆုိသည္တို႔အနက္ ကရင့္ အနာဂတ္ဖန္တီးေရး၏ အေျခခံတရားမ်ားအား ရွာေဖြ ေဖာ္ထုတ္က်င့္သံုးေရးကို အေလးထား တင္ျပလိုေပသည္။ တနည္းဆုိရေသာ္ ယေန႔ ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားေရးကို သေဘာတရားေရးႏွင့္ လက္ေတြ႕ေရးႏွစ္ျဖာျဖင့္ ခ်ိန္ထိုး သံုးသပ္ၿပီးမွ ရွင္သန္ဖြံ႕ထြားမည့္ အနာဂတ္သေႏၶတည္ေပးေရးပင္ျဖစ္ပါသည္။
ကရင့္အနာဂတ္အေရးမွာ ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းခ်က္သာျဖစ္ၿပီး ဥံဳဖြ မန္းမႈတ္ကာ ဆုေတာင္း၍ ရေကာင္းေသာ အရာမဟုတ္ေလရကား အေတြးမွန္ႏွင့္ မွန္ကန္ေသာ အလုပ္ျဖင့္သာ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ ရမည္ျဖစ္ေလသည္။ ကရင့္အေရးကို ေစ့ေစ့ေတြးေသာ္ သမိုင္းအတိတ္ေၾကာင္း၏ ဆုိးက်ဳိးေကာင္းေမြမ်ားကို သင္ခန္းစာရယူျခင္းထက္ ဖက္တြယ္ထိန္းသိမ္းထားမႈဘက္၌ အေလးသာလွ်က္ရွိေၾကာင္း ယူဆရေပသည္။ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ ကရင္တုိ႔၏ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး႐ုန္းကန္ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈအရပ္ရပ္၌ ေအာင္ျမင္သင့္သည္ထက္ ေလွ်ာ့နည္းေနျခင္းႏွင့္ အဟုန္တံ့ေနျခင္းတို႔ေၾကာင့္ပင္ျဖစ္ေလသည္။
တို႔ေခတ္တံခါး
ကရင့္အနာဂတ္ေရးကို ဆႏၵအဖံုဖံု အျမင္အမ်ဳိးမ်ဳိးႏွင့္ အလုပ္အေထြေထြတုိ႔ကို ႐ႈေဒါင့္တစ္ခုစီမွ အေလးေပး၍ ခ်မွတ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ လုပ္ေဆာင္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ မ်က္ေမွာက္ ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔တေတြလည္း ဆက္၍ေတြးဆ ၾကေနရျပန္ၿပီ။ လုပ္ငန္းစဥ္ အစီအမံမ်ား၊ လက္ေတြ႕ အလုပ္မ်ား ခ်မွတ္လုပ္ေဆာင္ ၾကရေပဦးမည္။ တို႔ေခတ္ တံခါးတို႔မ်ား ဖြင့္ႏိုင္ၾကပါမည္လား … … အေတြးျဖင့္ လမ္းစရွာ၍ အလုပ္ျဖင့္ တုိ႔ေခတ္တံခါး တို႔မ်ားဖြင့္ႏိုင္ေရးသည္ သမိုင္းေပးတာ၀န္တရပ္ ျဖစ္လာခဲ့ေပၿပီ။
ဘုိးဘြားမိဘမ်ားႏွင့္ ေနာင္ေတာ့္ ေနာင္ေတာ္တို႔ကလည္း ကရင့္ဘ၀ အခိုင္အမာ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးႏွင့္ တိုးတက္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရး တုိ႔အတြက္ အေျဖရွာ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ၾကၿပီး ျဖစ္ပါသည္။ ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔လည္း ဆက္၍ အနီးကပ္ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ၿပီး အေျဖရွာ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ သြားရဦးမည္ ျဖစ္ေပသည္။
ဘယ္ကစ၍ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္မည္နည္း
အမ်ဳိးသားေရးသည္ က်ယ္၀န္းေထြျပား လွပါသျဖင့္ လက္ေတြ႕ဘ၀မွ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ ေနၾကေသာ “ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ” ေရးရာ ႐ႈေဒါင့္မွ ေ၀ဖန္သံုးသပ္ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္လုိေပသည္။
“ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ” ဆုိသည္မွာ အဘယ္နည္း … …“ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ” ဆုိသည္မွာ ျမန္မာမႈျပဳထားသည့္ ေ၀ါဟာရတြင္ အဂၤလိပ္စကား Civilization ႏွင့္ Culture ကို ေပါင္း႐ံုးျပန္ဆုိ ထားျခင္းျဖစ္သည္ဟု ဆုိထားေပသည္။
Civilization ဆုိေသာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမွာ လူမႈ အဖြဲ႕အစည္းငယ္ ေက်းလက္ဇနပုဒ္မွ ၿမိဳ႕ျပေဒသ အျဖစ္ ဆင့္ကဲျဖစ္ေပၚ တုိးတက္ ဖြံ႕ထြားလာျခင္းဟု မူလအဓိပၸါယ္ရွိရာ မူလအဖြဲ႕အစည္း၏ အနာဂတ္ကို ေရွ႕႐ႈေသာအားျဖင့္ ဆင့္ကဲဖန္တီးျခင္းသည္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ တရပ္ပင္ျဖစ္ေလသည္။
Culture ဆုိေသာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမွာ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္း၌ရွိေသာ အႏုပညာ ပစၥည္းမ်ား၏ ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးတိုးတက္ျခင္း အသြင္သေဘာ ကိုေဆာင္ေပသည္။ အနာဂတ္ကို ေရွ႕႐ႈေသာအားျဖင့္ ေရွ႕သို႔ ေရွ႕သို႔သာ ဦးတည္ခ်ီတက္ေနသည့္ သေဘာမရွိဟု ဆုိႏိုင္သည္။ ေနာက္သို႔လည္း ဆုတ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ေရွ႕သို႔လည္း တက္ႏိုင္သည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အနာဂတ္အတြက္ အာမခံခ်က္ မေပးႏိုင္ေပ။
တနည္းဆုိရလွ်င္ ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔ ေနထုိင္စားေသာက္ေရး တိုးတက္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရး၊ အခုိင္အမာ ရပ္တည္ေရးတို႔အတြက္ ေဆာင္ရြက္ေပးေသာ အဂၤါရပ္ပစၥည္းမ်ားတို႔မွာ Civilization ၌ အက်ဳံး၀င္ၿပီး ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တုိ႔၏ ဘ၀အမ်ဳိးသားဘ၀ကို ထုတ္ေဖာ္ျပဆုိရာ အဂၤါရပ္ပစၥည္းတို႔ မွာ Culture ၌ အက်ံဳး၀င္သည္ဟု ဆုိရပါမည္။
ပညာရွင္မ်ားတုိ႔က ႐ႈေဒါင့္အဖံုဖံုျဖင့္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ၏ အနက္အဓိပၸါယ္ကို ဖြင့္ဆုိကိုင္ဆြဲ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ လာခဲ့ၾကသည္။ “ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ” ၏ နယ္ပယ္ကား က်ယ္၀န္းလွ၏။ အခ်ဳပ္ကိုသာ ဆုိရေသာ္ လူသား (၀ါ) လူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိး၏ အႏုပညာရပ္မ်ား၊ သီဆုိကခုန္မႈမ်ား အစဥ္အလာ ဓေလ့ထံုးတမ္းမ်ား က်င့္ႀကံလုပ္ကိုင္ သမွ်ေသာ အမူအက်င့္စ႐ိုက္ မ်ားႏွင့္တကြ စြမ္းရည္ ဂုဏ္အဂၤါ ဗီဇလကၡဏာ မ်ားသည္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈပင္ျဖစ္သကဲ့သို႔ လူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိး၏ စီးပြားေရး၊ ႏိုင္ငံေရးစနစ္မ်ား၏ ေရာင္ျပန္ရိပ္မ်ား- လူသားတို႔အတြက္ လူသားမ်ား ဖန္တီးေသာ ပကတိ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ အေျခအေနမ်ားသည္ပင္လွ်င္ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမည္ေပသည္။ တနည္းဆုိရေသာ္ လူသားႏွင့္ လူသားတို႔၏ ဘ၀၊ လူမ်ဳိးႏွင့္ လူမ်ဳိး၏ ဘ၀ကို အေၾကာင္းျပဳၿပီး ႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈႏွင့္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈဟူ၍ စိတ္ျဖာႏိုင္ေပသည္။
ကရင္ႏွင့္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္လည္း ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားဘ၀တုိးတက္ခိုင္မာေရးႏွင့္ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈေဖာ္ထုတ္ ျမႇင့္တင္ေရး ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္တို႔မွာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ နယ္ပယ္အတြင္းမွပင္ ျဖစ္ေပၚေနမည္မွာ ယံုမွားစရာရွိေပ။ သီဆုိကခုန္ျခင္း၊ စာေပအႏုပညာ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ျခင္းမွ်ႏွင့္ လံုေလာက္ေသာ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္မႈ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေသးေပ။
ထုိ႔အျပင္ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္ မွန္သမွ် ေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္ေရးသည္ လမ္းညႊန္မႈ ရွိေနရပါမည္။ အစီအမံလည္း ရွိရေပဦးမည္။ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ခ်က္ လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ငန္း၏ လမ္းညႊန္မႈကား သေဘာတရားေရး (၀ါ) ေတြးေခၚယူဆခ်က္ မွန္ကန္ေရး၌ အေျခခံေပသည္။
အဘယ္ေသာ သေဘာတရား လမ္းညႊန္မႈကို ခံယူၾကရမည္နည္း။ အဘယ္သို႔ေသာ အျမင္အေတြး ခံယူခ်က္ထားၾကမည္နည္း။
တကယ့္ဘ၀ႏွင့္ စာေတြ႕သေဘာတရားေရး
အဘယ္မွ်ေလာက္ပင္ စံတင္ထုိက္ပါသည္ဆုိေသာ က်မ္းမ်ား၊ ၀ါဒမ်ား၊ အယူအဆမ်ားႏွင့္ အသိပညာရွင္မ်ား ရွိေနေစကာမူ လက္ေတြ႕ဘ၀၏ အေတြ႕အႀကံဳမ်ားကို ေစ့ငွငံုမိႏိုင္ေအာင္ စြမ္းႏုိင္မည္မဟုတ္ေပ။ အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ “ဘ၀အေတြ႕အႀကံဳသည္ ပထမ၊ အသိပညာအယူအဆတို႔သည္ ဒုတိယ” ဟူေသာ အခ်က္ ရွိေနခဲ့ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ပင္ ျဖစ္ေလသည္။
သို႔ျဖစ္ေလရာ တကယ့္ဘ၀သည္သာလွ်င္ စာေတြ႕ အသိပညာတို႔၏ အမိအဖျဖစ္၍ ဘ၀သည္သာလွ်င္ ၀ါဒအေပါင္း- သေဘာတရား အယူအဆအေပါင္းတို႔၏ အာစရိယႀကီး ဧကန္စင္စစ္ျဖစ္ေလေတာ့ရာ အနာဂတ္ကရင့္ဘ၀ကို ေတြးဆလွ်င္ တကယ့္ ကရင့္ဘ၀ကို ေကြ႕ေရွာင္ေက်ာ္ျဖတ္၍ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။ မျမင္မၾကား လို၍လည္း မရ။ မေျပာလို မသံုးသပ္ လို၍လည္း မျဖစ္ေတာ့ေပ။
အနာဂတ္ ကရင့္အေရးဆုိသည္မွာ “ကရင္” ဆုိေသာ လူ႔ေဘာင္ (အမ်ဳိးသားထု)ႏွင့္ ထုိအမ်ဳိးသား ထု၏ ဘ၀သည္ တိုက္႐ိုက္ ဆက္ႏြယ္ ေနေပရာ အမ်ဳိးသားထု ဘ၀၌ အေျခခံအက်ဆံုး ျဖစ္ေသာ အေတြးအေခၚခံယူ ခ်က္မွန္ကန္ေရးသည္ ပဓာနက်လာေပသည္။ကရင္တို႔၏ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆိုင္ရာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ (ေတြးေခၚခံယူမႈ) မတုိးတက္ ေလေသးသမွ် ႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ငန္းမ်ား ေအာင္ျမင္ခုိင္ၿမဲမည္ မဟုတ္ေပ။
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ၏ အေျခခံအက်ဆံုးျဖစ္ေသာ ကရင့္မ်ဳိး႐ိုး ဗီဇပင္ကိုယ္ သဘာ၀မ်ားအား ေ၀ဖန္သံုးသပ္ ရေပေတာ့မည္။
မ်ဳိး႐ိုးဗီဇကို ဖက္တြယ္အပ္သေလာ
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားမ်ားတို႔သည္ ႐ိုးသားၾကသည္။ သစၥာရွိၾကသည္။ ေအးေဆးစြာ ေနလိုမႈရွိသည္။ ေရာင့္ရဲလြယ္သည္။ သည္းခံႏိုင္မႈ အႏြံအတာခံႏိုင္မႈ၊ ပြင့္လင္းမႈ၊ ယံုလြယ္မႈစေသာ မ်ဳိး႐ိုး ဗီဇမ်ားရွိေၾကာင္း အမ်ဳိးက နားလည္ခံယူခဲ့ၾကသည္။ “မ်ဳိး႐ိုးဗီဇ ေစာင့္ထိန္းၾက” ဟူ၍လည္း ေစ့ေဆာ္ ေႂကြးေၾကာ္ခဲ့သည္မွာ အထင္အရွားပင္။
ပင္ကိုယ္စိတ္ဓာတ္ မ်ဳိးဗီဇဆုိသည္မွာ စြဲၿမဲသည့္အသြင္ ခုိင္မာသည့္သေဘာ ရွိေနရာ အျခားေသာ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ အေတြးအေခၚ အယူအဆမ်ားကိုပင္ လႊမ္းမိုးခ်ဳပ္ကိုင္ ႏိုင္စြမ္းေသာ သေဘာလည္း အျပည့္ရွိေနတတ္သည္။ သုိ႔ျဖစ္ေလရာ ႐ုပ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ငန္း တိုးတက္မႈအတြက္ စိတ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ (သေဘာတရားေရးမ်ား) ရွာေဖြ ေဖာ္ထုတ္သည္တြင္ အႀကီးမားဆံုး ဟန္႔တားမႈျပဳမည့္ ကရင့္မ်ဳိး႐ိုးဗီဇကို ဖက္တြယ္ေစာင့္ထိန္း အပ္မအပ္ ဆုိသည္ကို ေစ့ေစ့ေတြး၍ ဆင္ျခင္အပ္ေပၿပီ။
အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ … …႐ိုးသားျခင္းကို ျမတ္ႏိုးအပ္ပါ၏။ သို႔ေသာ္ “႐ိုးသားျခင္းသည္ ႐ိုးသားမႈသို႔သာ တုန္႔ျပန္ရမည့္ သေဘာ” ပါရွိသျဖင့္ အတိုင္းအတာ တခုအထိ ျမတ္ႏိုးက်င့္သံုးအပ္ပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဆန္႔က်င္ဘက္၀န္းက်င္၊ မ႐ိုးသားေသာ ပရိယာယ္မာယာမ်ားေသာ စဥ္းလဲတတ္သည့္ ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ အခ်ယ္လွယ္ခံ၊ လည္စင္းခံရာ ေရာက္မည့္ “ႏံုအ” မႈ အျဖစ္မ်ဳိးေရာက္ေအာင္ ႐ိုးသားျခင္းကိုကား ေတာ္လွန္ပစ္ ရေပမယ္။ ေတာ္လွန္၀ံ့ ရေပမည္။
ေအးေဆးစြာ ေနလိုမႈျဖင့္ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္ႏွင့္ ကင္းရာ ေ၀းရာေဒသမ်ားတြင္လည္းေကာင္း၊ လူထူထပ္ရာကို ေရွာင္ဖယ္၍ လူမႈ၀န္းက်င္ ျပႆနာမ်ားကို ေရွာင္ကြင္းလိုမႈျဖင့္ ေက်းလက္ႏွင့္ ၿမိဳ႕စြန္ရပ္ဖ်ားတြင္ အေျခခ် ေနရာယူေလ့ရွိခဲ့ရာ ပတ္၀န္းက်င္အား မ်က္ေျချပတ္ကာ ေခတ္ေနာက္က်န္ရစ္ ေစႏုိင္သည္။ ေခတ္ႏွင့္ ယွဥ္ေသာ တိုးတက္ေရး လမ္းေၾကာင္း၏ ပိတ္ဆုိ႔မႈလည္း ျဖစ္ေစမည္။ တိုးတက္ေသာ အနာဂတ္ေရးအတြက္ ပိတ္ဆုိ႕မႈမွန္သမွ် ဖယ္ရွားေတာ္လွန္၀ံ့ ရမည္ျဖစ္ရာ ေအးေဆးစြာျဖင့္ သီးျခားရပ္တည္၍ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေတာ့ေၾကာင္း ခံယူက်င့္သံုးသြားၾကရေပမည္။
ကိုယ္က်ဳိးရွာ ေခါင္းပံုျဖတ္မႈ၊ ေကာက္က်စ္စဥ္းလဲျခင္းႏွင့္ မ႐ိုးသားမႈတို႔၏ အသံုးခ်ခ်ယ္လွယ္ရာ စားက်က္နယ္ေျမသည္ သစၥာရွိျခင္း၊ ပြင့္လင္းျခင္း၊ ယံုလြယ္ျခင္းတို႔ပင္ ျဖစ္ေလသည္။ ယံုလြယ္တတ္ေသာ သေဘာသည္ မခိုင္မာသည့္အသြင္၊ ယိမ္းယိုင္တိမ္းညြတ္ လြယ္သည့္ သေဘာျဖစ္သျဖင့္ မိမိကုိယ္ကို ယံုၾကည္စိတ္ခ်မႈ မရွိသည့္ အသြင္ျဖစ္သည့္ ပြင့္လင္းျခင္းသည္ လွ်ဳိ႕၀ွက္တတ္သူတို႔၏ သားေကာင္မ်ား ျဖစ္ေလ့ရွိတတ္ေပသည္။
တင္းတိမ္ေရာင့္ရဲလြယ္တတ္ေသာ သေဘာ၌ ရွိသမွ် စား၊ ေပးသမွ်ယူ၊ ျပဳသမွ်ေက်နပ္တတ္သည့္ အသြင္မ်ားပါ၀င္ေလရာ ကတံုးေပၚထိပ္ကြက္ ခ်ယ္လွယ္ေခါင္းပံုျဖတ္တတ္သည့္ လူမႈ၀န္းက်င္တြင္ အခ်ယ္လွယ္ခံဘက္ကခ်ည္း ရပ္တည္ေနရတတ္ေပသည္။
သို႔ျဖစ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ ကရင့္အနာဂတ္အေရး ေတြးဆသူတိုင္း မ်ဳိး႐ိုးဗီဇစိတ္ပိုင္းဆုိင္ရာ အသြင္လကၡဏာမ်ားကို ေခတ္ႏွင့္ လူမႈ၀န္းက်င္ႏွင့္ လုိက္ေလ်ာညီစြာ ခံယူက်င့္သံုးႏိုင္ေရးသည္ ေတာ္လွန္ေျပာင္းလဲစရာတို႔၏ အေျခခံဟုပင္ အခုိင္အမာဆိုခ်င္ ပါသည္။
အနာဂတ္အေရး
“တိုးတက္ေရး” ႏွင့္ “ေအာင္ျမင္ေရး” ကို ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းျခင္းသည္ အနာဂတ္အေရးပင္ျဖစ္သည္။ “အတိတ္ကို အေျခခံ၊ ပစၥဳပၸန္ကုိ မ်က္ေမွာက္ျပဳၿပီး၊ အနာဂတ္ကို ေရွ႕႐ႈ” ရမည္ဟု ဆုိပါသည္။
အနာဂတ္အေရးကို သံုးသပ္ၾကည့္လွ်င္ … …(က) ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားဘ၀ အခုိင္အမာရပ္တည္ႏိုင္ေရးႏွင့္(ခ) ေခတ္ႏွင့္ ယွဥ္၍ အမ်ားႏွင့္ နည္းတူတုိးတက္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးေရးကို ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းခ်က္ထားရွိေပသည္။
ေဖာ္ျပပါ အခ်က္ႏွစ္ရပ္ကို စိတ္ျဖာၾကည့္ပါက ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားဘ၀ အခုိင္အမာ ရပ္တည္ႏိုင္ေရးသည္ အဓိကႏွင့္ အေျခခံ အက်ဆံုး ေတြ႕ရသည္။ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ “အေျခခံတက်ႏွင့္ ခိုင္မာသည့္ အုတ္ျမစ္ မရွိေသာ တုိးတက္ဖြံ႕ၿဖိဳးမႈ ဆုိသည္မွာ သဲပံုေပၚ မွန္နန္းတည္ေဆာက္ျခင္း၊ သဲပံုေစတီကို ေရႊထီးတင္ျခင္း” မ်ဳိးသာ ျဖစ္ေပလိမ့္မည္။
အမ်ဳိးသားဘ၀အခိုင္အမာ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးမွာ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ထံုးဓေလ့မ်ား ေဖာ္ထုတ္ ထိန္းသိမ္းေရးမွ်ႏွင့္ မၿပီးႏိုင္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရး၊ စီးပြားေရး၊ ပညာေရး လူမႈေရးပါ ပါေလရာ အေၾကာင္းေပါင္းစံု လုပ္ငန္းစံုျဖင့္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္သြားရမည္သာ ျဖစ္ေပသည္။
လက္ေတြ႕ဘ၀
အေၾကာင္းေပါင္းစံု၊ လုပ္ငန္းစံုျဖင့္ အမ်ဳိးသား ဘ၀ကို ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ရမည္ကား မွန္ပါ၏။ သို႔ေသာ္ ဤေနရာတြင္ကား လက္ေတြ႕ဘ၀ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ နယ္ပယ္မွေန၍ တည္ေဆာက္ေရး အုတ္ျမစ္အေျခခံတရားမ်ားကို အေလးထားရွာေဖြေဖာ္ ထုတ္လိုေပသည္။
မ်က္ေမွာက္ဘ၀ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးအတြင္း … …(၁) ဘာသာစကားမတူညီေသာ မ်ဳိးႏြယ္စုငယ္မ်ားျဖင့္ ေပါင္းစုဖြဲ႕စည္းထားလွ်က္ ရွိေနျခင္း(၂) ယံုၾကည္ကိုးကြယ္မႈ ျခားနားလွ်က္ ရွိေနျခင္း(၃) စာေပအကၡရာေရးထံုး အလီလီ ရွိေနျခင္း(၄) ေနရာေဒသ ျပန္႔က်ဲစြာေနထုိင္လွ်က္ ရွိျခင္း
စသည့္ အေျခခံ ကြဲျပားကြာဟခ်က္တို႔မွာ အတိတ္မွ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ားအျဖစ္ လက္ဆင့္ကမ္း လာခဲ့ပါသည္။ အေျခခံ ကြဲျပားခ်က္ ရွိေနျခင္းသည္ လက္ေတြ႕လုပ္ငန္း၌ တုိးတက္မႈႏွင့္ မွန္ကန္ေသာ ေအာင္ျမင္မႈကို မတည္ေဆာက္ ႏိုင္ေပ။ အဟန္႔အတား အကာအဆီး ျပဳေနမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
ထိုသို႔ေသာ အဟန္႔အတားမ်ားအား မီးေလာင္ရာေလပင့္ တြန္းအားျပဳေနသည့္ အေၾကာင္းတရား မ်ားကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္ၾကည့္လွ်င္(၁) လမ္းၫႊန္မႈအစီအမံ စနစ္တက် မရွိျခင္း(၂) တူညီေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္ ခံယူခ်က္ အားနည္းေမွးမွိန္လွ်က္ ရွိျခင္း။(၃) ကာလေဒသအေျခအေန - တည္းဟူေသာ အေၾကာင္းရပ္မ်ားကို ေတြ႕ရေပသည္။အထက္ပါ အေျခခံ ကြဲျပားခ်က္ႏွင့္ အေထာက္အကူ မီးေလာင္ရာ ေလပင့္ေပးေသာ အေၾကာင္းတရားမ်ား ရွိေနျခင္းေၾကာင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားထုတြင္း စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္မႈႏွင့္ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္ႏိုင္မႈတို႔ကို ပ်က္ျပားေစခဲ့သည္။ ကာဆီးပိတ္ဆုိ႔ေစခဲ့သည္။ လက္တြဲ ေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ မရွိျခင္းသည္ နားလည္မႈ မရွိေစျခင္းႏွင့္ အျမင္မွား သံသယပြားမႈကိုသာ ဖန္တည္းေစသျဖင့္ စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္မႈကို ပ်က္ျပားေစကာ ေအာင္ျမင္ႏိုင္မႈ ဆုိသည္မ်ားမွာ လုိက္ေလေ၀းေလ ျဖစ္ရေလေတာ့သည္။
စည္းလံုးမႈ၏ အေျခခံကို ရွာေဖြၾကည့္လွ်င္
“တူညီေသာ အလုပ္တြင္ တူညီေသာ ဦးတည္ခ်က္ႏွင့္ လမ္းညႊန္မႈအစီအမံရွိျခင္း” တို႔အေပၚ၌ အေျခခံလွ်က္ ရွိေနပါသည္။
ကရင္ဘ၀၏ အတိတ္အေၾကာင္းမ်ားေၾကာင့္ နယ္ေျမေဒသ ျပန္႔ႀကဲစြာ ေနထုိင္လ်က္ရွိၿပီး ဘာသာ စကားစာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ႏွင့္ ယံုၾကည္ကိုးကြယ္မႈ ကြဲျပားခ်က္တို႔မွာ မလိုလား- မျမင္ၾကား လိုေသာ္လည္း ေရွာင္လႊဲမရ ျဖစ္ခဲ့ပါၿပီ။ သို႔ေၾကာင့္လည္း ဤလမ္း ခုလပ္မွေန၍ အနာဂတ္အေရးအတြက္ မိမိကိုယ္ကို ေ၀ဖန္ေရးအား အေလးထားၿပီး မေထာက္မညႇာ ရဲ၀ံ့စြာ ျပဳၾကရန္ အခ်ိန္တန္ေလၿပီ။
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရးဆုိသည္မွာ
အမ်ဳိးသားထု အက်ဳိးတရားအတြက္ စာေပေရး၊ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေရး၊ စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္ေရး စသည္ျဖင့္ မၾကာခဏ ဟစ္ေႂကြး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ ေနၾကဆဲလည္း ျဖစ္သည္။ ဟစ္ေႂကြး သကဲ့သို႔ပင္ အလုပ္မ်ား၊ အေတြး - အယူအဆမ်ား၊ စီမံမႈမ်ား ခ်မွတ္လာခဲ့ၾကပါ၏။ သို႔ေသာ္ ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔ အေျပာႏွင့္ အလုပ္သည္ ေရွ႕ေနာက္ညီခဲ့ၾက ပါၿပီလား။ မိမိကုိယ္ကို ဆန္းစစ္မိသူ ရွိေကာင္း ရွိပါလိမ့္မည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ နည္းမည္ထင္မိ၏။
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရးသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားထုႏွင့္ ဆုိင္ပါသည္။အမ်ဳိးသားထုကိုလည္း အေျခခံယူရသည္။ ကရင့္စာေပအေရးကို ေတြးဆၾကည့္လွ်င္ စေကာကရင္ စာေပ၊ ပိုးကရင္စာေပ စသည့္ စာေပအင္အားစုတို႔သည္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားထုအတြက္ဟု ခံယူလာခဲ့ လုပ္ေဆာင္လာခဲ့ ၾကသည္မွာ ျဖစ္သင့္ျဖစ္ထုိက္ ပါမည္ေလာ။ ဤသည္မွာပင္ မိမိအမ်ဳိးသားထုကို လွည့္စားလုိက္ျခင္း၊ မိမိတို႔ကိုယ္ကို တကယ့္မ်ဳိးခ်စ္မ်ားအျဖစ္ ျပန္လည္ လွည့္စားေနၾကျခင္းပင္ ျဖစ္မေနပါလား။ ေစ့ေစ့ေတြးၾကည့္ ေစခ်င္ပါသည္။
အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ ဆုိေသာ္ စေကာကရင္ စာေပအင္အားစု၊ ပိုးကရင္စာေပ အင္အားစု - စသည္ စသည္ျဖင့္ တစုတဖြဲ႕ အုပ္စု အသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္းကိုသာ ကိုယ္စားျပဳ အက်ဳိးျပဳေနမည့္ စာေပ ေဖာ္ထုတ္မႈမ်ဳိးသာ ျဖစ္မေနပါလား။ စာေပအကၡရာအစြဲ ဘာသာစကားအစြဲ၊ ဂုိဏ္းဂနအစြဲမ်ား ႀကီးထြားလာေစခဲ့ေၾကာင္း အတိတ္ စာေပသမိုင္းကို ေလ့လာက ျမင္ေတြ႕ရေပ လိမ့္မည္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားထုကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳေသာ ကရင္တမ်ဳိးသားလံုး လက္ခံႏိုင္ေသာ စာေပေရးထံုးသည္ ေပၚထြက္၍ မလာေသးေပ။
ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေရးရာ၌လည္း ထုိဟာမွားသည္၊ ဤအရာမွန္သည္ စသည္ျဖင့္ ေရွးေဟာင္းကို ေရွးေဟာင္းျဖစ္သည့္ အေၾကာင္း တခုတည္းႏွင့္ ထူးထူးျခားျခား ျမတ္ႏုိးျခင္း၊ ေခတ္ေပၚကို ေခတ္ေပၚျဖစ္ျခင္း အေၾကာင္းတခုတည္းႏွင့္ ခ်ီးက်ဴးျခင္း ျပဳၾကသည္။ ပူးေပါင္းေဆာင္ရြက္ျခင္း၊ ညႇိႏိႈင္းျခင္းမရွိဘဲႏွင့္ အေ၀းမွ အျငင္းပြားခဲ့ၾကသည္။ အမွန္တရားကို အဘယ္သို႔ ရွာေဖြေဖာ္ထုတ္ႏိုင္ပါ မည္နည္း။
အမွန္တရား
တိုးတက္ျခင္း ဗိမာန္၏အေျခခံသည္ အမွန္တရားဟု ဆုိပါသည္။ သို႔ေသာ္ အမွန္တရား ဆုိသည္မွာ ဆံုးစရွာရ ခက္ေလာက္ေအာင္ နက္နဲတတ္ပါသည္။ အမွန္တရား ရွာေဖြရန္မွာ ဘက္လုိက္ျခင္း မာန္မာန ေထာင္လႊားျခင္း၊ ျပစ္တင္႐ႈတ္ခ်ျခင္းမ်ားတို႔သည္ အမွန္တရားႏွင့္ တိုးတက္မႈတုိ႔၏ ရန္သူမ်ားျဖစ္ၾကၿပီး ဘ၀အေတြ႕အႀကံဳမ်ားကို ႐ိုးသားစြာျဖင့္ က်ဳိးေၾကာင္းဆင္ျခင္ တုိင္းထြာသြားျခင္းျဖင့္ အျမင္အလင္းေရာင္ကို ေတာက္ပေစရမည္ဟု အဆုိရွိေပသည္။
ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး၏ အမွန္တရားသည္ အမ်ဳိးသားထုေရးရာ အတြင္း၌ တည္ရွိေနပါသည္။ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားထု၏ ဘ၀အေတြ႕အႀကံဳကို ဆင္ျခင္ညႇိႏိႈင္းႏိုင္းျခင္းမွ ရရွိေသာ အမွန္တရားျဖင့္သာ တိုးတက္မႈ အက်ဳိးတရား ရႏိုင္မည္ ျဖစ္ေလသည္။
ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမွသည္
ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေရးမွ အမွန္တရားမည္သုိ႔ ရွာေဖြေဖာ္ထုတ္ၾကပါမည္နည္း။လက္ေတြ႕ဘ၀ ကရင့္ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ေရးရာမ်ားအေပၚ ခံယူခ်က္ သေဘာထားမ်ား ပီျပင္စြာ ႐ႈျမင္သံုးသပ္ရန္ လိုအပ္လာၿပီ ျဖစ္ေပသည္။လူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိး၏ သ႐ုပ္သဏၭာန္ကို ထုိလူမ်ဳိး၏ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ားက ထိန္းသိမ္းေဖာ္ျပ ႏိုင္ပါ၏။ ထုိသ႐ုပ္သဏၭာန္မ်ားကို ထုိလူမ်ဳိးတို႔က စာေပျဖင့္ျဖစ္ေစ၊ အျခားနည္းမ်ားျဖင့္ျဖစ္ေစ ထိန္းသိမ္းေလ့ရွိသည္။ မ်ဳိးဆက္ အေမြအႏွစ္မ်ားကို ထားရစ္ခဲ့ၾကသည္။ သို႔မဟုတ္က အျခားယဥ္ေက်းမႈမ်ား၏ ၀ါးမ်ဳိျခင္းကို ခံရတတ္ၿပီး ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ကြယ္ေပ်ာက္ျခင္းသည္ လူမ်ဳိးတည္တန္႔ေရးအတြက္ မည္သည့္အနာဂတ္ အာမခံခ်က္မွ် ရွိေတာ့မည္ မဟုတ္ေပ။
ေရွ႕တန္းေရာက္ တုိးတက္ႏိုင္ငံႏွင့္ လူမ်ဳိးတို႔သည္ပင္လွ်င္ ၎တို႔၏ ႐ိုးရာႏွင့္ ေခတ္ေပၚယဥ္ေက်းမႈဟူ၍ အခန္းက႑ခြဲ၍ အစီအမံခ် ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ၾကသည္မွာ အေၾကာင္းမဲ့ မျဖစ္တန္ရာေပ။ အဘယ့္ေၾကာင့္ဆုိေသာ္ လူမ်ဳိးတမ်ဳိးကို ၀ါးမ်ဳိျခင္း၊ အ၀ါးမ်ဳိခံရျခင္းတုိ႔မွာ ဖိႏွိပ္ခ်ဳပ္ခ်ယ္မႈအရလည္း ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ ႏိုင္ငံေရး ေပါင္းသင္းဆက္ဆံေရးအရ အင္အားမညီမွ်၍လည္း ျဖစ္ႏိုင္သည္။ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈေရးအရ လြမ္းမုိးမႈမ်ားေၾကာင့္လည္း ျဖစ္ႏုိင္ေပသည္။
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ယေန႔ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားယဥ္ေက်းမႈ လုပ္ငန္းေဖာ္ေဆာင္ၾကရာ၌ … …
· စစ္မွန္ေသာ အမ်ဳိးသားယဥ္ေက်းမႈပီျပင္စြာ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရးႏွင့္
· စစ္မွန္ေသာ တိုးတက္မႈရရွိေရးမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားထု စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္ေရးႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားထု ဘ၀အေတြ႕အႀကံဳ ညႇိႏိႈင္း ဖလွယ္မႈမွ ရသည့္ အမွန္တရားသည္ မရွိမျဖစ္ေသာ အေျခခံမ်ား ျဖစ္လာေပမည္။
မ်က္ေမွာက္အေျခတြင္ကား ကရင္တို႔သည္ စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္မႈ မရွိေသး။ အမ်ဳိးသားထုအတြက္ အမွန္တရားသည္လည္း ေပၚထြက္ လာခဲ့ၿပီဟု မဆုိႏိုင္ေသးေပ။
ဤသို႔ဆုိလွ်င္ … …
· အမ်ဳိးသားထု စည္းလုံးညီညြတ္မႈကို မည္သို႔ တည္ေဆာက္ယူရ ပါမည္နည္း။
· အမ်ဳိးသားထုအတြက္ အမွန္တရား ဆုိသည္မ်ားအား မည္သို႔ေဖာ္ထုတ္ ၾကမည္နည္း။
ကြၽႏ္ုပ္တို႔တေတြ ေရကူးတတ္မွ ေရထဲဆင္းမည္ဆုိ၍ မျဖစ္ႏုိင္ပါ။ ေရကူးတတ္လိုမႈျဖင့္ ေရထဲဆင္းၾကရ ပါမည္။ စည္းလံုးမႈ ရရွိရန္အတြက္ ထုိင္ေစာင့္၍ မရႏိုင္ပါ။ အမွန္တရားကိုလည္း စုေပါင္းညႇိႏိႈင္းမွ ရႏိုင္ပါလိမ့္မည္။
ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားယဥ္ေက်းမႈလုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို … …
· အမ်ဳိးသား စည္းလံုးညီညြတ္မႈ တည္ေဆာက္ေရးႏွင့္
· အမ်ဳိးသားထုအတြက္ အမွန္တရား ေဖာ္ထုတ္ေရး ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းခ်က္တို႔ျဖင့္ အေလးေပး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္သြားရန္ ခ်မွတ္သင့္လွ ေပသည္။
သို႔ျဖစ္ျခင္းေၾကာင့္ “စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ ေဖာ္ထုတ္ျမင့္တင္ေရး” ဆုိ႐ံုမွ်ျဖင့္ မလံုေလာက္ေတာ့ပါ။ ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့ပါအေျခခံ ၂-ရပ္ျဖင့္ ခ်မွတ္ လုပ္ေဆာင္ရန္ လိုလာသည္ျဖစ္၍ “ယဥ္ေက်းမႈေရး အစီအမံ” သည္ လိုအပ္ေပေတာ့သည္။ လမ္းၫႊန္မႈ အစီအမံ ဆုိသည္မွာ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းဆုိေသာ အေျခခံအင္အားစု ရွိရေပသည္။ ကရင္တုိ႔တြင္ ထုိအေျခခံမ်ဳိး ေက်နပ္ဖြယ္ရာ မရွိေသးပါ။
ကရင္တို႔သည္ ကရင္ျပည္၊ ရန္ကုန္တိုင္း၊ ဧရာ၀တီ စသျဖင့္ ျပန္႔က်ဲေန၏။ ကရင္ ၇-ဦးရွိလွ်င္ ၁-ဦးသာ ကရင္ျပည္ တြင္ ရွိေနသည္။ ကရင္ျပည္မွာ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ လုပ္ငန္းသည္ အျခားတိုင္းေဒသရွိ ကရင္မ်ားကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳ အက်ဳိးျပဳႏိုင္သည့္ အေနအထားမရွိေသး။ နယ္ေျမအလိုက္ ကိုယ့္နည္းကိုယ့္ဟန္ျဖင့္ ေဖာ္ေဆာင္ေနၾကသည္။ အားလံုးအတြက္ လမ္းၫႊန္မႈ အစီအမံဆုိ၍ ဗလာနတၳိ။
ယဥ္ေက်းမႈလုပ္ငန္း သည္ပင္လွ်င္ အမ်ဳိးသားထု အ၀န္းအ၀ိုင္းအား ၿခံဳငံု၍ လမ္းၫႊန္မႈ အစီအမံ ခ်မွတ္လုပ္ေဆာင္မႈ မျပဳႏိုင္ေသးသမွ် ေအာင္ျမင္မႈ ဆုိသည္မွာလည္း စိတ္ကူးထဲက ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းခ်က္ အျဖစ္ တည္ရွိေနဦးမည္ ဆုိသည့္အခ်က္ကို သေဘာတရားေရးအရ ဖြင့္ဆုိရဦးမည္ပင္။
သို႔ေသာ္ “မရွိ-မျဖစ္” ဆုိသည့္ အ႐ံႈးေပး၊ အညံ့ခံတို႔၏ လက္သံုးမ်ားကို ခံယူက်င့္သံုးလိုသည့္ ဆႏၵစိုးစဥ္းမွ် မထားစေကာင္း ျဖစ္ေလသျဖင့္ အက်ဥ္းအၾကပ္ကို ထြက္ေပါက္ရွာေနၾကရမည္ ျဖစ္ေတာ့သည္။
ရွာေဖြေတြ႕ရွိရေသာ ထြက္ေပါက္ကား
“ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသား တဦးစီ၏ လမ္းၫႊန္မႈႏွင့္ လမ္းၫႊန္မႈခံရမည့္သူမွာ မိမိတုိ႔ကိုယ္စီသာ ျဖစ္သည္”သို႔ျဖစ္ေလရာ မိမိတို႔၏ ေရွ႕ေဆာင္လမ္းၫႊန္မႈသည္ ဘယ္အရာျဖစ္၍ အဘယ္လမ္းၫႊန္မႈေနာက္ လိုက္ၾကရ ပါမည္နည္း။
မရွိသံုး အေျဖတရပ္ကား ကရင္တဦးစီ၏ လမ္းညႊန္မႈသည္ မိမိတို႔၏ “ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိ” ပင္ျဖစ္၍ ထုိအမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္၏ လမ္းညႊန္မႈအတိုင္း လက္ေတြ႕က်င့္သံုး ေဖာ္ေဆာင္သြားရန္ ျဖစ္ေတာ့သည္။
ကရင္ႏွင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအသိ
ဤတြင္ “ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္” သည္ ပဓာနက်ေသာ အခန္းေရာက္လာေတာ့သည္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိကား အဘယ္ေၾကာင့္ မိမိတို႔ သန္ရာ ႐ႈေဒါင့္မွ ဖြင့္ဆုိၾကမည္ မလြဲပါ။
စာေရးသူအျမင္ႏွင့္ အယူအဆကိုတင္ျပရေသာ္ လူမ်ဳိးတုိင္း လူမ်ဳိးေရး စိတ္ဓာတ္ ရွိေနၾကပါသည္။ ကရင္တုိ႔လည္း ကရင္ လူမ်ဳိးေရးစိတ္ဓာတ္ ရွိေနမည္မွာ အျငင္းပြားစရာ မလို။ သို႔ေသာ္ ကရင္လူမ်ဳိးတိုင္း ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားတိုင္း စိတ္ဓာတ္ရွိခ်င္မွ ရွိပါလိမ့္မည္။ ရွိမေနေသးပါဟုပင္ အတိအက် ဆုိလိုက္ခ်င္ပါသည္။
နားလည္သလိုသာ ရွင္းရေသာ္ - လူမ်ဳိးေရး စိတ္ဓာတ္ဆုိသည္မွာ မိမိလူမ်ဳိးအေပၚ တဦးခ်င္း ခံစားခ်က္မ်ဳိး ျဖစ္သည္။ ေမြးရာပါ ျဖစ္သည္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအသိ ဆုိသည္မွာကား မိမိ၏ လူမ်ဳိးေရးစိတ္ဓာတ္ အရင္းခံမွေန၍ မိမိအမ်ဳိးသားထုဘ၀ ကိစၥရပ္မ်ားေၾကာင့္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအသိ ၀င္လာရသည္။ ခံစားခ်က္ အျမင္သစ္မ်ဳိး ၀င္လာျခင္းဟု ဆုိႏိုင္မည္ ထင္မိသည္။
လူမ်ဳိး၏ ဘ၀အေျခခံတရားမ်ား (ဘာသာ စာေပယဥ္ေက်းမႈ-စသည္) ကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈ ေထြျပားလာသည္ႏွင့္အမွ် အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိသည္လည္း အားနည္း ေမွးမွိန္လာကာ တခ်ိန္တည္း မွာပင္ အေျခခံ ကြဲျပားခ်က္တို႔သည္ ေစ့စပ္၍မရေသာ အားၿပိဳင္မႈ ပဋိပကၡအသြင္ ေဆာင္လာမည္ ျဖစ္သည္။
အထက္ေဖာ္ျပခဲ့သလုိပင္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိဆုိသည္မွာ အမ်ဳိးသားဘ၀မွသာ ရႏိုင္သည္။ ထုိ႔ေၾကာင့္ ကရင့္ဘ၀ သမိုင္းေၾကာင္းကို နားလည္သိရွိထားရန္ အထူးလိုအပ္လာေတာ့သည္။
ကရင့္ဘ၀တြင္ အေျခခံကြဲျပားခ်က္ ရွိေနေစကာမူ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိကား တခုတည္းသာ ရွိေနရမည္။ တျမင္တသေဘာတည္းသာ ရွိၿပီး ကြဲျပားမႈ မရွိႏုိင္ေပ။ ကြဲျပားျခားနားမႈ အားလံုးအေပၚမွေန၍ ႐ႈျမင္သံုးသပ္သည္။ အမွန္တရားကို ေဖာ္ထုတ္သည္။ အားလံုးအတြက္ စဥ္းစားေပးသည္။ တစုတဖြဲ႕ကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳမည္ မဟုတ္။ ဘက္လိုက္မႈလည္း မရွိရပါေခ်။
ဥပမာ
ကရင္စာေပေရးတြင္ ပိုးကရင္စာေပ - စေကာကရင္စာေပ အင္အားစုတို႔သည္ အမ်ဳိးသားထု အတြက္ လုပ္သည္ဟု ခံယူမိျငားအံ့။ ထုိသို႔ဆုိလွ်င္ မိမိတို႔ကိုယ္ကို လွည့္စားျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္လိမ့္မည္။ အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအသိျဖင့္ ဆုိသည္မွာ မျဖစ္ႏိုင္ေပ။ ပိုးကရင္ (၀ါ) စေကာ ကရင္စာေပေရးအသိျဖင့္ လုပ္ျခင္းသာ ျဖစ္ေနမည္။ ဘာသာေရး အေျခခံျဖင့္ စာေပေရးထံုး အလီလီ ေပၚထြက္လာခဲ့ျခင္းမွာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္ မည္မွ်အားနည္းခဲ့ေၾကာင္းႏွင့္ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ မရွိခဲ့ေၾကာင္း ထင္ရွားလွေပၿပီ။ ဘာသာေရး အသိအျမင္တို႔က အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္ကို စိုးမိုးခ်ယ္လွယ္ခဲ့ေၾကာင္းမွာ ျငင္းကြယ္၍ မရႏိုင္ေပ။
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားထုအတြက္ မည္သည့္ကြဲျပားခ်က္မ်ဳိးကိုမွ ဖန္တီးမည္မဟုတ္။ လက္ခံမည္လည္း မဟုတ္ေပ။ ကြဲျပားမႈကို ဖန္တီးမည့္ အျမင္အေတြး မွန္သမွ်ကိုလည္း တိုက္ဖ်က္ေတာ္လွန္ ေနမည္မွာ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္ပင္ ျဖစ္ေလသည္။
အခ်ဳပ္ဆုိရေသာ္
ကရင့္အမ်ဳိးသားေရးအသိမွာ ကရင့္ဘ၀ အေျခခံအေၾကာင္းရပ္မ်ား၊ ျပႆနာမ်ားအေပၚ အမ်ဳိးသားထု တရပ္လံုးကို ကိုယ္စားျပဳ၍ ခံစားႏိုင္မႈ ရွိလာပါမွသာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္ ပီျပင္လာလိမ့္မည္ ျဖစ္သည္။ အသိမွရေသာ ခံစားမႈသည္ ထိေတြ႕မႈမွရေသာ ခံစားမႈထက္ မည္သည့္အခါမွ် မေလးနက္ႏိုင္ေပ။
သို႔ျဖစ္ေလရာ ထိေတြ႕မႈမွရေသာ ေလးနက္စြဲၿမဲသည့္ ခံစားမႈမ်ဳိး ရရွိလာေရးႏွင့္ ကရင္ အမ်ဳိးသားထု၏ လိုအပ္မႈ အမွန္တရားမ်ား ေဖာ္ထုတ္ႏိုင္ေရးတို႔အတြက္ … …
· ကရင့္လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္း အသီးသီးတို႔သည္ လည္းေကာင္း … …
· ထုိလူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတြင္ ပါ၀င္ၾကေသာ အမ်ဳိးသား တဦးခ်င္းအရသည္ လည္းေကာင္း … …
· သေဘာတရားေရး အယူအဆေရး ၀ါဒေရး အေပါင္းတုိ႔သည္ လည္းေကာင္း … …
ဆႏၵစြဲကင္းစြာျဖင့္ ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္အရ ေပါင္းစုလက္တြဲေရး လုပ္ငန္းမ်ားကို ႀကိဳးစား အားထုတ္ သင့္လွေပသည္။
သို႔မွသာလွ်င္ ညႇိႏိႈင္းမႈျဖင့္ အမွန္တရား ေဖာ္ထုတ္ႏုိင္ေရးႏွင့္ ေမွ်ာ္မွန္းေသာ တိုးတက္ေရး ဗိမာန္အနီးသို႔ ခ်ဥ္းကပ္ႏိုင္ပါ လိမ့္မည္။ယေန႔မ်က္ေမွာက္ကား “ယဥ္ေက်းမႈမွသည္ - ခ်စ္ၾကည္လက္တြဲ ရြက္ေဆာင္ေရးသို႔” ဟူေသာ ေဆာင္ပုဒ္အရ ယဥ္ေက်းမႈ လုပ္ငန္းရပ္မ်ားတြင္ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္ျဖင့္ လက္တြဲေဆာင္ရြက္မႈ ျပဳေနရမည္။ ကြဲျပားမႈတို႔ကို ညႇိႏိႈင္းမႈျဖင့္ အမွန္တရား (၀ါ) လိုအပ္ခ်က္ ေဖာ္ထုတ္သြားရမည္။
ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားတိုင္း၊ လူမႈအဖြဲ႕အစည္းတိုင္း ကရင္အမ်ဳိးသားေရး အသိအျမင္၏ လမ္းၫႊန္မႈကို ခံယူကာ အမ်ဳိးသားေရး လုပ္ငန္းမွန္သမွ်တြင္ လက္ေတြ႕ခံယူ က်င့္သံုးလာၾကသည့္ တေန႔တြင္ကား ကြၽႏု္ပ္တို႔၏ အနာဂတ္ ကရင့္သေႏၶ ေမြးဖြားသန္႔စင္ လာသည့္ေန႔ ဟူ၍ ….။
မန္းေဌးရွိန္

ကရင္လူမ်ိဳး

2008-12-14T23:28:00.000-08:00

ကရင္လူမ်ိဳး
စေကာကရင္
စေကာဟူေသာ စကားလံုး၏ မူရင္းအသံထြက္မွာ ေရွာင္ ျဖစ္သည္။ ေရွာင္ကို ဗမာလို ေရးသည့္အခါ အဆင္မေျပ၍ေသာ္၄င္း မူလေျပာဆိုသူက ေရွာင္ဟူေသာ စကားလံုး၏ အသံထြက္ကို ပီျပင္စြာ မေျပာႏိုင္ေသာေၾကာင့္ေသာ္၄င္း စေကာဟူေသာ စကားလံုးက ဗမာစာေပတြင္ တြင္က်ယ္ေနျခင္း ျဖစ္သည္။ စေကာဟူေသာစကားလံုး၏ ကရင္အသံထြက္အမွန္မွာ "ေရွာင္" ျဖစ္ပါေၾကာင္း ျဖည့္စြက္ေရးသားလုိက္ရေပသတည္း။
စေကာကရင္ႏွင့္ပိုးကရင္
ကရင္လူမ်ိဳးတြင္ စေကာကရင္ ႏွင့္ ပိုးကရင္ ဟူ၍ အဓိကလူမ်ိဳးစုႀကီး ၂ စုရွိသည္။ ထိုလူမ်ိဳးစုႀကီး ၂စုမွာ ဓေလ့စရိုက္ ႏွင့္ အသုံးျပဳေသာ ဘာသာစကားတြင္ ကြဲျပားျခားနားမွုမ်ားရွိသည္။ စေကာကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားသည္ ေယာက္်ားေလးမ်ား၏ အမည္ေရွ႕တြင္ ေစာ တပ္၍ ေခၚေဝၚေလ့ရွိၾကၿပီး မိန္းကေလးအမည္ေရွ႕တြင္ ေနာ္ တပ္၍ ေခၚေဝၚေလ့ရွိၾကသည္။ ပိုးကရင္လူမ်ိဳးမ်ားမွာမူ ေယာက္်ားေလးမ်ား၏ အမည္ေရွ႕တြင္ မန္း တပ္၍ ေခၚေဝၚေလ့ရွိၾကၿပီး မိန္းကေလးအမည္ေရွ႕တြင္ နန႔္ တပ္၍ ေခၚေဝၚေလ့ရွိၾကသည္။
ျမန္မာျပည္တိုင္းရင္းသားလူမ်ိဳးစုုႀကီးမ်ား
Fixing Navbox name = ျမန္မာျပည္ လူမ်ိဳးမ်ား title = ျမန္မာ အစိုးရသတ္မွတ္သည့္ လူမ်ိဳးနွင့္ တိုင္းရင္းသားမ်ား group1 = ကခ်င္ list1 = ကခ်င္ - တရုမ္း - ဒေလာင္ - ဂ်ိန္ေဖာ့ (သိန္းေပၚ၊ ဂ်င္းေဖာ) - ေဂၚရစ္ - ခခု - ဒုရင္ - မရု (ေလာ္ေဂၚ) - ရဝမ္ - လခ်ိပ္ (လာခ်စ္) - အဇီး - လီဆူ group2 = ကယား list2 = ကယား - ဇယိမ္း - ပေဒါင္း - ေဂခို - ေဂဘား - ပရဲ (ကေယာ) - မႏူမေနာ္ - ယင္းတလဲ - ယင္းေဘာ္ group3 = ကရင္ list3 =ကရင္ - ကရင္ျဖဴ - ပေလကီး (ပေလခ်ီ) - မြန္ကရင္ - စေကာကရင္ - တေလွပြာ - ပကူး - ဘြဲ - ေမာေနပြား - မိုးပြ - ပိုးကရင္ group4 = ခ်င္း list4 = ခ်င္း - ကသည္း - မယ္တိုင္ (ကသဲ) - ဆလိုင္း - ကလင္ေကာ (လူေရွ) - ခမီ - ေအာဝခမီ - ေခါႏိုး - ေခါင္စို - ေခါင္ဆိုင္ခ်င္း - ခြာဆင္းမ္ - ခြန္လီ (ဆင္မ္) - ဂန္တဲ့ (လင္တဲ) - ေဂြးတဲ - ငြန္း - ဆီစာန္ - ဆင္တန္ - ဆိုင္းဇန္ - အရွိုခ်င္း - -ခ်ိဳး - ခမီ - လိုင္မီး - - ဇိုမီး - မီဇိုး - ဇာေဟာင္ - ဆိုင္းတန္လူမ်ိဳး - ဇိုေဖ - ဇို - ဇန္ညွပ္ - တေပါင္ - တီးတိန္ (တဲဒင္မ္) - ေတဇန္ - တိုင္ခ်ြန္း - တာ့ဒိုး - ေတာရ္ - ဒင္မ္ - ဒိုင္ (ယင္ဒူး) - နာဂ - တိုင္ခ်ြန္း - မာရင္ - ပနမ္း - Magun - မတူ - မီရမ္ (မရာ) - မီအဲ - မကန္း - ွေလူရွေ (လူရွိုင္း) - ေလးျမို - လ်င္းတု - ေလာက္ထူ - လိုင္ - လိုင္ဇို - ပါကင္းမ္ - ဟြာလ္ငို - အနူး - အနန္ - အူပူ (မရို) - လ်င္းတု - အရွိုခ်င္း - ေရာင္ထု group5= ဗမာ list5 = ဗမာ - ထားဝယ္ - ျမိတ္ - ေယာ - ရဘိန္း - ကတူး - ကနန္း - ဆလုံ - ဖြန္း (ဖုန္း) group6 = မြန္ list6 = မြန္ group7 = ရခိုင္ list7 = ရခိုင္ - ကမန္ - ခမြီး - ဒိုင္းနက္ - ျမိဳ - သက္ group8 = ရွမ္း list8 = ရွမ္း - ဓေနာလူမ်ိဳး - ဓနု - အိုက္ဆြယ္ - အင္ - ဂုံ (ခြန္) - အင္းသား - ေကာ္ (အခါအိေကာ) - ခန္တီးရွမ္း - ခမူ - ကိုးကန့္ - ကြီ - လားဟူ - မိုင္းသာ - ေျမာင္ဇီး - ေမာရွမ္း - ပေလာင္ - ပေလး - ပအိုဝ့္ (ေတာင္သူ) - ဖ်င္ - ရွမ္းကေလး - ရွမ္းျကီး - စုံ - တိုင္းလြယ္ - တိုင္းလ်မ္ - တိုင္းလုံ - တိုင္းေလ့ - ေတာင္ရိုး - ဝ - ေယာင္ - ယင္က်ား - ယင္းနက္ - ယြန္း }}
တို ့ျဖစ္သည္

ဆရာေတာ္ႏွင့္ေဒၚစု

2008-12-10T18:50:00.000-08:00

ကရင္ျပည္နယ္သာမညေတာင္ဆရာေတာ္ႀကီးဦး၀ိနယႏွင့္ေဒၚေအာင္ဆန္းစုႀကည္

ပေဒါင္အိမ္တြင္းမွုယက္ကန္း

2008-12-10T18:42:00.000-08:00

ပေဒါင္လူမ်ိဳးတို ့၏ ရိုးရာအိမ္တြင္းမွု ယက္ကန္းလုပ္ငန္း

ထိုင္းဘုရင္ႏွင့္မိဖုရား

2008-12-10T18:39:00.000-08:00

ထိုင္းနိဳင္ငံဘုရင္မင္းျမတ္ဘူမိေဘာႏွင့္မိဖုရား

ေဒါက္တာစင္သီယာေမာင္

2008-12-10T18:33:00.000-08:00

အေရွ့ေတာင္အာရွ လူ ့အခြင့္အေရးနွင္ျငိမ္းခ်မ္းေရးဆုရွင္မယ္ေတာ္ေဆးခန္းေဒါက္တာစင္သီယာေမာင္

ေစာဘသင္စိန္

2008-12-10T18:31:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္ေဆာင္ပဒိုေစာဘသင္စိန္

ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေစာဘိုျမ

2008-12-10T18:29:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္ေဆာင္ဗိုလ္ခ်ဳပ္ႀကီးေစာဘိုျမ

ပဒိုမန္းရွာလာဖန္း

2008-12-10T18:26:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားအာဇာနည္ပဒိုမန္းရွာလာဖန္း

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မန္းဘဇန္

2008-12-10T18:22:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အမ်ိဳးသားေခါင္းေဆာင္မန္းဘဇန္

ေစာဘဦးႀကီး

2008-12-10T18:19:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အာဇာနည္ေစာဘဦးႀကီး

လြမ္းဆြတ္ျခင္း

2008-12-10T18:14:00.000-08:00

မိမိတို ့၏ေနရပ္ဌာေနကိုလြမ္းဆြတ္ျခင္း

လံုျခံဳမွဳကင္းမဲ့ေသာဘ၀

2008-12-10T18:11:00.000-08:00

အနာဂတ္ေပ်ာက္ဆံုးျပီးလံုျခံဳမွဳကင္းမဲ့ေသာဘ၀ပင္လယ္မ်ား

လံုျခံဳေရးရဲေဘာ္

2008-12-10T18:08:00.000-08:00

လံုျခံဳေရးကင္းေစာင့္ေသာ္ရဲေဘာ္တစ္ဦး

ေသာင္ရင္းျမစ္

2008-12-10T18:04:00.000-08:00

ေသာင္ရင္းျမစ္သည္ ေတာင္ဘက္မွေျမာက္ဘက္သို ့တမူထူးျခားစြာျဖင့္စီးဆင္းလ်က္ရွိေနေလသည္

အာဇာနည္ေန ့ အထိမ္းအမွတ္

2008-12-10T07:25:00.000-08:00

က်ဆံုးေလျပီးေသာ အာဇာနည္ေခါင္းေဆာင္ႀကီးမ်ားအား အေလးျပဳျခင္း

ခိုးနားရာေဒသ

2008-12-10T07:21:00.000-08:00

ရွဳမဆံုးေတာ့သည္

အေ၀းမွ ေဒါနေတာင္တန္း

2008-12-10T07:18:00.000-08:00

အေ၀းဆီမွလြမ္းဆြတ္တမ္းတေနရေသာ ေဒါနေတာင္တန္း

ဘယ္ဆီဘယ္ကို

2008-12-10T07:15:00.000-08:00

ဘယ္ဆီဘယ္ကိုသြားရပါလိမ့္

ဘ၀ပင္လယ္

2008-12-10T07:13:00.000-08:00

ေႀကာက္ရြံ ့မွဳမ်ားႏွင့္အတူ အသက္ရွင္ရပ္တည္ရေသာ ဘ၀ပင္လယ္မ်ား

တဲအိမ္

2008-12-10T07:08:00.000-08:00

က်ိဳးတိုးက်ဲတဲ တဲအိမ္ဘ၀တြင္သာ ေနထိုင္ရျခင္း

ညေနေစာင္းအခ်ိန္

2008-12-10T07:05:00.000-08:00

လုပ္အားေပးအျပီး ညေန၀င္ခ်ိန္တြင္ အိမ္သို ့ျပန္လာရန္လူစုေနပံု

ေငြအား လူအား လုပ္အားေပးရျခင္း

2008-12-10T06:52:00.000-08:00

အိမ္ေထာင္စုတစ္စုတြင္ က်ပ္ေငြသံုးေထာင္၊ ၅ေပျခံတိုင္ ၆ လက္မပတ္လည္တစ္တိုင္၊ ၀ါးတစ္ေခ်ာင္း၊ လူတစ္ေယာက္ ဓါးတစ္လက္ ၊ ကိုယ္ပိုင္ထမင္းထုပ္ေရဘူး ၊ တစ္ရက္အျပီးလုပ္ရမည္ ၊ ထို ့ကဲ့သို ့လုပ္အားမ်ား

သြားခဲ့ရသည္

အာဟာရခ်ိဳ ့တဲ့ရျခင္း

2008-12-10T06:49:00.000-08:00

စစ္ေဘးေႀကာင့္ကေလးငယ္မ်ား အာဟာရခ်ိဳ ့တဲ့ရျခင္း

အတင္းလုပ္အားေပးမ်ား

2008-12-10T06:46:00.000-08:00

အတင္းအဓမၼလုပ္အားေပးမ်ားသြားရျခင္း

မေသခ်ာေသာဘ၀

2008-12-10T06:43:00.000-08:00

စိုးရိမ္ေႀကာက္ရြံ ့မွဳမ်ားျဖင့္ အသက္ရွင္ရပ္တည္ေနရေသာ ကရင္ျပည္သူလူထုဘ၀

သစ္ေတာလုပ္ငန္း

2008-12-10T06:37:00.000-08:00

ပင္ပန္းဆင္းရဲခက္ခဲလွေသာသစ္လုပ္ငန္း

စစ္ေျပးကရင္လူထုဘ၀

2008-12-10T06:35:00.000-08:00

စစ္ေႀကာင့္ေျပးလြားပုန္းေရွာင္ေနရျခင္း

ေျပးလြားပုန္းေရွာင္ရျခင္း

2008-12-10T06:28:00.000-08:00

ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ႀကီးေႀကာင့္ေျပးလြားပုန္းေရွာင္ေနရေသာ ကရင္ျပည္သူလူထုဘ၀

ုေမ်ာ္လင့္ျခင္းပန္းတိုင္

2008-12-09T20:12:00.000-08:00

ေမ်ာ္လင့္ျခင္းပန္းတိုင္အတြက္ရွင္သန္ျခင္း

အိမ္အလြမ္း

2008-12-09T20:07:00.000-08:00

မိသားစုႏွင္ညီအစ္ကိုေမာင္ႏွမေဆြမ်ိဳးအသိုင္းအ၀ိုင္မ်ားကို လြမ္းဆြတ္ျခင္း

ျပည္တြင္စစ္မီး

2008-12-09T19:55:00.000-08:00

တခ်ိန္ကျပည္တြင္းစစ္မီးျဖစ္ပြားျခင္း

ကရင္ဖားစည္

2008-12-09T19:51:00.000-08:00

ကရင္ဖားစည္

ေတာင္ေပၚသားမိသားစု

2008-12-09T19:48:00.000-08:00

ကရင္မိသားစု

2008-12-09T19:42:00.000-08:00

ျပည္တြင္းစစ္ေဘးေႀကာင့္ ထြက္ေျပးတိမ္းေရွာင္ရေသာ ကရင္မိသားစုမ်ား

ကရင္ရဲေဘာ္တစ္ဦး

2008-12-09T19:38:00.000-08:00

တိုက္ပြဲ၀င္မ်ိဳးခ်စ္ေသြးနီေသာက္ကရင္ရဲေဘာ္တစ္ဦး

ကရင္တပ္မေတာ္

2008-12-09T19:33:00.000-08:00

ကရင္အမ်ိးသားလြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္ KNLA စစ္သားမ်ား

စစ္ေရးျပခန္း

2008-12-09T19:30:00.000-08:00

ေဒါနေတာင္ေျခတေနရာတြင္ ကရင္လြတ္ေျမာက္ေရးတပ္မေတာ္စစ္ေရးျပခန္း

ေဒါနစစ္ေရးျပခန္း

2008-12-09T19:24:00.000-08:00

တခ်ိန္ကေဒါနေတာင္ေျခတေနရာတြင္ စစ္ေရးျပခန္းျပဳလုပ္ျခင္း

အသက္၀င္ေသာေဒါနေတာင္ေျခ

2008-12-09T19:21:00.000-08:00

ေဒါနေတာင္းတန္းစမ္းေခ်ာင္းငယ္တေနရာ

2008-12-09T19:17:00.000-08:00

ေဒါနေတာင္ေျခ စမ္းေခ်ာင္းငယ္ေလးတစ္ခု

ေဒါနေတာင္းတန္းေရတံခြန္

2008-12-09T19:13:00.000-08:00

ေဒါနေတာင္တန္းတေနရာရွိ သာယာလွပေသာ ေရတံခြန္ငယ္မ်ား

donaldpan ေဒါနပန္း

2008-12-09T19:08:00.000-08:00